POPOKI #50 now on line

http://popoki.cruisejapan.com/index_e.html

Popoki’s Peace Project can be found at the address above (if you prefer to read in Japanese, that is the usual option at Popoki’s home page).  The project is the brain child of Dr. Ronni Alexander, who teaches peace studies at the university in Kobe, Japan. Her site includes pdf’’s of the Popoki newsletter, the latest of which is #50.  The newsletter includes some remarkable activities that the project is undertaking. For example, you can read the plans for mapping images of peace in a neighborhood by going on a photo taking tour with young people of various age levels.  There is also a remarkable testament to one of Dr. Alexander’s mentors, a professor who challenged her basic assumptions, even the one that peace is the most important issue.

Hiroshima, Nagasaki and contemporary peace making

[Editor's note:  Let us not forget what country was the first to use nuclear weapons in war time; is still the only country to have used nuclear weapons in war time; and still uses fallacious arguments to justify that use.  As the events of Hiroshima and Nagasaki recede further into the past, opportunities to hear from those who witnessed and survived them become fewer.  Please take advantage of this rare opportunity November 1]

Please be the guests of


The Chicago Center for Justice and Peace (CNJP) and

The Loyola University Museum of Art

at our 2009 Special Event

Sunday 01 November at  1:00 p.m.

Loyola University Museum of Art

Simpson Lecture Hall (3rd FL)

820 N. Michigan Avenue

Chicago, IL  60611

Free and Open to the Public.

For additional information phone Nick Patricca 773.338.9416

THE CURRENT NUCLEAR ARMS CRISIS

In the Light of the First Use of Nuclear Weapons on Hiroshima and Nagasaki

Presentations by Steve Leeper, President of the Hiroshima Peace Culture Foundation

And Shikego Sasamori, Hiroshima Memorial Peace Museum, A-Bomb Survivor

Hiroshima Poster Art Works on Display

Campaign for Peace and Democracy

Please Forward & Post on Websites, Blogs, Etc.

Dear Friend, As you know, the President and Congress are reviewing U.S. policy on the wars in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and we are writing you at this critical moment to invite you to sign the Campaign for Peace and Democracy emergency statement below calling for an end to military intervention in both countries. Your support can make a real difference: it will add to the impact of the statement at a time when public opposition to these disastrous wars is building. A list of the initial signers and the text of the statement are below. We aim to collect a large number of signatures very quickly, and then publish the statement and list of signers as widely as possible, both in this country and internationally. If you would like to add your name, see the emerging list of signers, or make a tax-deductible donation to publicize the statement, please go to our website

www.cpdweb.org.

You do not have to donate in order to sign, but please give if you can, as generously as possible. If you have already signed the statement but not yet contributed to our publicity efforts, please go to our website now to make a donation.

If for any reason you have difficulty at the website, just send us an email at cpd@igc.org. Please circulate the statement to your colleagues and friends. In peace and solidarity,

Joanne Landy Tom Harrison Co-Directors, Campaign for Peace and Democracy

INITIAL SIGNERS: Bashir Abu-Manneh, Michael Albert, Stanley Aronowitz, David Barsamian, Rosalyn Baxandall, John Berendt, Norman Birnbaum, Stephen Eric Bronner, Richard J. Brown, MD, Roane Carey, Tim Carpenter, Adam Chmielewski, Noam Chomsky, Hamid Dabashi, Gail Daneker, Tina Dobsevage, MD, Ariel Dorfman, Martin Duberman, Steve Early, Carolyn Eisenberg, Zillah Eisenstein, Daniel Ellsberg, Samuel Farber, Thomas Fasy, MD, John Feffer, Barry Finger, Harriet Fraad, David Friedman, Bruce Gagnon, Barbara Garson, Jack Gerson, Joseph Gerson, Jana Glivicka, Jill Godmilow, Linda Gordon, Suzanne Gordon, Greg Grandin, Arun Gupta, E. Haberkern, Mina Hamilton, Thomas Harrison, Howie Hawkins, Tom Hayden, Doug Henwood, David Himmelstein, MD, Michael Hirsch, Nancy Holmstrom, Jonathan House, MD, Doug Ireland, Marianne Jackson, PhD, Melissa Jameson, Alice Kessler-Harris, Assaf Kfoury, Leslie Kielson, Dan La Botz, Micah Landau, Joanne Landy, Nydia Leaf, Roger E Leisner, Jesse Lemisch, Sue Leonard, Rabbi Michael Lerner, Martha Livingston, Catherine Lutz, Jan Majicek, David McReynolds, Margaret Melkonian, Martin Melkonian, Roger Morris, Erika Munk, Mary E. O’Brien, MD, David Oakford, Rosemarie Pace, Ed.D., Christopher Phelps, Frances Fox Piven, Danny Postel, Len Rodberg, Elizabeth R. Rosenthal, Matthew Rothschild, Jennifer Scarlott, Jay Schaffner, Peter O. Schwartz, Stephen R. Shalom, Adam Shatz, Alice Slater, Stephen Steinberg, Cheryl Stevenson, David Swanson, William K. Tabb, Jan Tamas, Hoshang V. Tarehgol, Jonathan Tasini, Chris Toensing, Immanuel Wallerstein, Lois Weiner, Peter Weiss, Steve Weissman, Naomi Weisstein, Cheryl Wertz, Cornel West, Reginald Wilson, Sherry Wolf, Emira Woods, Kent Worcester, Leila Zand, Michael Zweig

We Call for the United States to End Its Wars in Afghanistan and Pakistan! A Statement from the Campaign for Peace and Democracy October 2009 This may be a turning point for the expanding U.S. wars in Afghanistan and Pakistan, a time when speaking out clearly and unambiguously against war can make a crucial difference. Today we see signs all too reminiscent of the step-by-step deepening of the U.S. commitment to the war in Vietnam in the 1960’s. In response, we declare ourselves firmly against military escalation in the region and for the withdrawal of all U.S. and NATO forces from Afghanistan and Pakistan now. We also call for an end to drone attacks in both countries. There are currently 108,000 U.S./NATO troops in Afghanistan. President Obama has authorized increasing U.S. forces by 21,000, which will mean more than 68,000 U.S. troops by the end of 2009. In view of the war’s growing unpopularity, Obama may very well abandon troop escalation. Reportedly, some in the Administration even recommended reducing U.S. forces and focusing more on strikes against Al Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan. But even a scaled-back military presence constitutes an illegitimate occupation, one that wreaks havoc on the lives of innocent civilians and can only strengthen the Taliban and terrorist networks such as Al Qaeda. Americans are increasingly disillusioned with the war. According to an August CNN poll, 57 percent oppose the Afghan war, a 9 percent increase since May, and there is growing unease in Congress. The cynical spectacle of Afghanistan’s fraudulent presidential election has further eroded what little domestic and international credibility the corrupt Karzai regime retained. In both Afghanistan and Pakistan the actions of the United States and its allies serve to strengthen fundamentalist forces. Fearing unpopular NATO troop casualties, the U.S. relies heavily on air power, which inevitably results in the death of innocent civilians. Far from eliminating terrorist networks, these air strikes only deepen popular hostility to the U.S./NATO war effort, pushing growing numbers of Afghans and Pakistanis toward the Taliban. Already fully a quarter of the Afghan population thinks that attacks on U.S./NATO forces are justified. In Pakistan, the war is now being fought with the open and heavy involvement of U.S. Predator and other drones. Because of the frequent killing of civilians by the drones, on top of the resentment caused by Washington’s long support of the dictator Musharraf, Pakistani public opinion now rates the U.S. as the number one threat — ahead even of India, Pakistan’s long time enemy. U.S. actions in Afghanistan and Pakistan take place in the context of a global military system much more massive and far-flung than most Americans realize. Officially, over 190,000 troops and 115,000 civilian employees are stationed in approximately 900 military facilities in 46 countries and territories — and the actual numbers are far greater. U.S. military spending of more than $600 billion a year, in the words of Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, “adds up to about what the entire rest of the world combined spends on defense.” The invasion and occupation of Afghanistan have been part of a comprehensive effort to assert U.S. strategic power and credibility, in the Central and South Asian region and globally — the power to control energy supplies, to overawe rivals, to intervene wherever Washington deems necessary, and to engage other countries in U.S. power projection. Since 2001, the United States has established 19 new bases in Afghanistan and neighboring countries, inserting a military presence into an area that Russia and China also seek to influence. Afghanistan was a devastated nation even before 2001, due to the destruction wrought by the Soviet occupation and the subsequent civil war. Since then the Afghan people have endured eight more years of war and misery. Many Afghans felt a sense of liberation when the Taliban was driven from power, but it soon became clear that one set of oppressors had been replaced by another: by the warlords and drug traffickers of the former Northern Alliance and the U.S. /NATO occupiers. The Taliban’s misogyny was vicious and extreme, but the situation of women remains horrific. Although a large number of Afghan girls did go to primary school after 2001 and a handful of women did get elected to the parliament, the vast majority of women are still confined to their homes, unable to work, too fearful to attend school and forced into marriages, often as children. Many women who would prefer not to wear their burqas are afraid to be seen without them. According to Afghan feminist leader Malalai Joya, “Victims of abuse and rape find no justice because the judiciary is dominated by fundamentalists. A growing number of women, seeing no way out of the suffering in their lives, have taken to suicide by self-immolation.” President Karzai signed a disgraceful law earlier this year, applying to Shia women, that gives a husband the right to withdraw basic maintenance from his wife, including food, if she refuses to obey his sexual demands. It grants guardianship of children exclusively to their fathers and grandfathers, requires women to get permission from their husbands to work, and effectively allows a rapist to avoid prosecution by paying “blood money” to his victim. Most Afghans lack access to safe drinking water and medical care. The country remains one of the world’s poorest. The U.S. has done virtually nothing to alleviate this terrible poverty; instead, it has added to the suffering of the Afghan people, women as well as men, the constant threat of military violence. The Taliban gains strength in response to the grossly inadequate amount of foreign aid, as well as to the brutalities of the U.S./NATO war. The Pakistani military and intelligence have long played a double game, taking military aid from Washington while simultaneously fighting and backing the Taliban. While the majority of Pakistanis oppose the Taliban today, underlying conditions enable it to grow stronger. Many of the country’s poor live in near-feudal conditions. In the Swat Valley the Taliban was able to exploit the grievances of landless rural tenants for its own reactionary purposes. Unwilling and unable to address the social and economic realities that create support for or at least acquiescence to the Taliban among many in the population, the Pakistani military and elite may well make further concessions to the fundamentalists. If the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan have any chance of defeating fundamentalism, fighting misogyny and winning genuine democracy, the U.S. can help mainly by calling off the inhumane and un-winnable “war on terror,” by whatever name, and replacing it with a radically different policy of massive foreign aid and an end to support for elites and governments that perpetuate gross inequalities. Democratic forces may be weak, but they will never grow stronger while the U.S. occupies Afghanistan, sends missiles into Pakistan and bolsters corrupt governments in both countries. Withdrawal should not mean that the U.S. abandons any effort to help the people of Afghanistan and neighboring states. Washington ought to lend political support to regional negotiations and to a broader settlement of the disputes between India and Pakistan, which continue to stoke the violence in Afghanistan. Above all, the U.S. should provide large-scale humanitarian aid to the desperately poor Afghan population — which, aid agencies note, is hindered by being intermingled with military operations. Afghanistan is badly fragmented along ethnic lines. If there is any progressive solution to these divisions it probably lies in regional negotiations among Afghanistan’s neighbors. We cannot foresee what form this solution might take, but we know it must not include any political dictation by Washington or the continuation of U.S. troops or military operations in Afghanistan or Pakistan. Ending U.S. military intervention in Afghanistan and Pakistan now is not only right in itself; it is also indispensable as a way to begin countering the bitterness and hostility in Muslim countries that breeds terrorist threats to our own security, threats that arise from networks that are not limited to any specific geographic location. In addition to ending military intervention in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the United States should withdraw its forces from Iraq, Central Asia and the Persian Gulf. It must end all support to Arab autocracies and police states and give real support to Palestinian statehood. A truly democratic U.S. foreign policy is desperately needed to address the misery and inequity in Afghanistan, Pakistan and many other countries, but we can only begin to do so by diverting our country’s vast wealth away from militarism and the drive for “full spectrum dominance” of the world. We, the undersigned, are dedicated to working for this new foreign policy. NOTE: The following references are informational, and not a formal part of the above statement. For Afghan support for attacks on U.S. forces, see ABC News/BBC/ARD Poll, Afghanistan: Where Things Stand, Feb. 9, 2009, question 25, . This poll also shows growing opposition to U.S. forces and overwhelming opposition to U.S. air attacks. For poll showing that Pakistanis view the U.S. as the number one threat, see Al Jazeera/Gallup International survey of Pakistan, Aug. 13, 2009, . Afghan feminist leader Malalai Joya describes conditions for women on Znet, May 16, 2009 and in her book Raising My Voice. For details on the new law constraining the rights of Shia women, see the Human Rights Watch Report “Afghanistan: Law Curbing Women’s Rights Takes Effect. President Karzai Makes Shia Women Second-Class Citizens for Electoral Gain,” Aug. 13, 2009, . For an account of the Taliban exploiting popular grievances in the Swat Valley, see Jane Perlez and Pir Zubair Shah, “Taliban Exploit Class Rifts in Pakistan,” The New York Times, April 17, 2009 . On aid agency warnings against intermingling military operations and humanitarian efforts, see Kevin Baron, “Mixing fighting and food in Afghanistan,” Stars and Stripes 2009 .

Campaign for Peace and Democracy Email: cpd@igc.org Web: www.cpdweb.org

Daniel Wolff discusses How Lincoln Learned to Read

Daniel Wolff will make a whirlwind trip to the Midwest from October 18 through October 25, speaking in Chicago, Springfield, Madison and Milwaukee. Poet, grammy nominated music writer, and revolutionary thinker, Wolff begins  Sunday AM with an appearance on WGN radio. Daniel’s Chicago events continue when he signs books on Monday evening at the Book Stall at Chestnut Court and at 57th Street Books on Friday evening.

Daniel has written incisively on the implications of the charter school phenomenon:  <http://www.counterpunch.org/dwolff09252009.html> Earlier in the year I reviewed Daniel’s book for Chicago Labor & Arts Notes.  This is what I wrote then:

How Lincoln Learned to Read

How Lincoln Learned to Read

HOW LINCOLN LEARNED TO READ
Twelve Great Americans and the Education that Made Them
by Daniel Wolff

reviewed by Lew Rosenbaum

Sundays my family gathered in the living room and listened to the Jewish hour on the radio, a program from new York that featured some of the Jewish entertainers of the late forties and early fifties.  The Barry Sisters answered for us the pop media girl group, the Andrews Sisters.  And the highlights were the various comedians from the borscht circuit, people whose voices I learned before some of them made it to TV and perhaps the Ed Sullivan Show.  It’s from this time, perhaps from those comedians who claimed to repeat what their mothers told them,  that I first heard, in a heavy accent that is not reproducible with English letters, that succeeding in life meant: becoming a “doctor, a lawyer and a cpa.”  For my mother, who repeated this mantra to me  in my adolescence, this meant doing well in school.  Neither of my parents ever spent a day in a college classroom.  I am not sure that they graduated from high school.  Their calculus led to this equation:  Education equals going to school equals good grades equals a good profession.  Emphasis on the word “profession.”  A good job wasn’t enough.

For much of American history, schooling (and therefore education) has meant something of that, especially from the period of the early 1800’s and the growth of reform movements that sprang from the industrial revolution.  There is a measure of this in the years immediately following the Civil War, when freed slaves took the lead in developing a free public school system in the South that educated not only black families, but also poor whites (who had been excluded from education) as well.  There is also a measure of this in the trade unions who hired readers to come into the factories and read to workers while they labored at their machines.  I say “a measure of this” because there has also been another element in schooling and education that is more difficult to quantify than the number of dollars you have at the end of the working day.

I can describe that other element as a thirst for knowledge independent of what will come home in a paycheck.  A hunger to understand the universe in which we live. To amass the tools for solving problems, for changing the world as well as understanding it.   I don’t know any other way to explain why, in my fourth year of pre-med, I endangered my potential earning power by taking as electives a course in calculus and an advanced seminar in German literature.

Wait.  One assumption needs to be stated, without which this also makes no sense.  My mother made this assumption, the freed slaves made this assumption and the common school movement made this assumption as well. Both Plessy v. Ferguson and Brown V. Board of Education made this assumption too.  All education may not be schooling, but all schooling is education.

In the year 2009, I am certain all schooling is not education. I am also just as certain that a movement is developing in America that is raising this issue.  Within that movement you will find teachers, students and parents fighting for a complex of things like class size, teacher pay, special education, safe schools, and against school closings to name a few.   Most of these actors believe that they are fighting for education.  The battleground on which they are fighting is the preservation of schooling and the improvement of the current system.

They are joined by a group of people who have a different agenda in mind for the children of our society.  That agenda privatizes the schooling system we have and renders it as a warehouse system from which those who are best able to cope with schooling are removed to be given a better system of schooling and training for future professional positions.  The warehouse is a necessary system of day care until the prisons, the armed forces and the homeless shelters swallow its graduates.

In other words, the schooling system in America serves the function it is supposed to do, and not because the managers are inherently evil or because of a few mistakes that can be corrected.  How else can American corporations respond to a society in which jobs are being eliminated?

There is a more important question. Perhaps “getting ahead” was a reasonable goal for education in an era in which our working lives were commodities. When the ability to work has less and less value, in the twenty-first century, what is education for?

I think that this is the way to read Daniel Wolff’s new book, How Lincoln Learned To Read.

“it’s a classic American moment, a classic moment in American education,”  Wolff writes.  The profile of Helen Keller, which ties up so many patterns developed earlier in the book, begins with those words.  They describe her “first step” in learning, one which has been memorialized on stage, screen and printed page, The scene is by a water pump in the family back yard. Teacher (Anne Sullivan) grasps Helen, forces her to go to the pump, takes the handle and pours water over Helen’s hand, all the while tracing the letters “w-a-t-e-r” on her hand. Suddenly Helen recognizes the key to the universe lies in those symbols.

The scene by the water pump (much like Lincoln’s storied walking for miles to borrow and return books and reading by candle light) becomes iconic, serves to hide a much more complex relationship.  The back yard is behind the house on a plantation owned by generations of Kellers.  Helen grows up in the shadow of the Civil War; the war and its aftermath has placed her family in position to reimpose and enforce the lynch law of the South.  Unable to see, hear or speak, nonetheless she assimilates the Southern aristocratic attitude that her teacher from the north finds repulsive.  Despite their histories, and because of them, they are thrown together and each learns from the other.  Teacher learns the fundamentals of education, while Helen opens her mind up to the world around her.

First comes structure, obedience, know your place.  So Teacher believes.  But then, she concludes that there is something internal to Helen that allows her to learn, that gushes out.  Teacher is not feeding Helen, but merely liberating what has been choked up and suppressed.  To do this she embarks on a program of answering any questions Helen comes up with rather than a disciplined course of study.  She champions this instructional method (taken up later by Montessori) until, at a certain point, she and Helen decide she needs more of the “rudiments.”  You do not learn by filling in the “rudiments” earlier, but now it is necessary to become more accomplished in a traditional educational setting.  It is a matter of stages as much as anything else. Or, deciding, at each stage, what is education for?  What do I need now?

At every stage she is confronted by the economics of education.  She requires a more intense process.  But how is she to get this?  In the South, education has returned to pre-reconstruction levels.  Southerners know that education is just another abolitionist trick.  But even in the North, education requires money, especially at her level.  Philanthropy steps in, and her patrons help out so that she is able to get not just a high school diploma but university degrees.  Not, however, since her earlier days has she gotten an education:  she has gotten training, useful perhaps, but not all of what is needed.  Wolff skillfully raises the issues of training vs. education, and the question of what that means.

Keller’s story is central also because she had to use all available forms to achieve her goals.  Goals she pursued with vehemence.  At one stage school was essential.  At another stage it was an obstacle. She did not have the luxury for either/or; she needed both/and.  And what she learned, the author makes clear, is a way of viewing the world that she could neither see nor hear.

This collection of stories treats individuals with different backgrounds, different skills, different goals.  It begins with Ben Franklin and ends with Elvis Presley.  In between, Wolff gives us portraits of Sojourner Truth and Henry Ford, W.E.B. DuBois and John F. Kennedy.  People who believe deeply in a public education, people who think that public education is money and time wasted.  In the journey on which he takes us, he points out landmarks along the way that indicate how our ideas of necessary knowledge have changed and stayed the same.  He wants us to find out what we want to be when we grow up (as a nation):  “Because isn’t any history of American knowledge . . . a history of expectations, of preparing for the future, of hope?”

There is a conversation in this book, an argument among those portrayed and, inevitably, an argument with us readers. Not the least of these arguments is the existence/extension/dismantling public education itself. Suburban vs. inner city. Charter vs. magnet vs. parochial/private vs. public. Union vs. non-union. Can the demands for equal and quality education be resolved without redefining what we mean by education?  How can we even begin to define what me mean by education if we leave that definition solely to the CEO’s of our schools and their staffs (and teachers)?  One significant insight that Wolff contributes to this discussion is that the student’s very valuable insight should be prominent in any decision making. The perhaps indirect implication also is that the very necessary battle against privatization in the schools is only a stage in countering the turning over of all possible public services to corporate economy.

These are some of the arguments that surface as I read this book. Because the problems we face are the same and yet fundamentally different.  If we are still asking the same questions (and Wolff suggests we are: e.g., “Don’t we still have to decide if Henry Ford was right: that great men are born and that most people don’t want to think?”), perhaps a new set of assumptions and questions are in order.  “And then we come back to the question of how to prepare for the future.  We listen for what’s next.”  That is a profoundly revolutionary task for all of us.

I admit I approach this book with some blinders in place:  I have admired Daniel Wolff’s work for some time now. I know Daniel and consider him a friend.  I reviewed his Asbury Park with similar feelings:  a small book hiding as a history of a resort town. Like that book, How Lincoln Learned  to Read tells a history of class relations and race relations in this country.

How Lincoln Learned to Read

How Lincoln Learned to Read

11 am Sunday  October 18, join Daniel Wolff for a brunch discussion of what constitutes education in the 21st century, at the Chicago Cultural Center in the court behind the Randolph Cafe. Chicago public education has had a severe dose of Duncanization under the Daley administration; with Arne Duncan in higher places, we’ve already seen the Chicago disaster model projected as a national panacea.  While many of us are fighting to save what little is left in our still severely segregated schools, Daniel asks fundamental questions that need to be brought on the table. And, he is quick to add,  all of us at the table need to carry on these discussions and establish our visions of what is possible.

Bagels and cream cheese will be provided by the Chicago Labor and Arts Festival.  The program is co-sponsored by the Chicago Education Committee of the League of Revolutionaries for a New America. (The Randolph Cafe is closed on Sunday)

7 pm Monday October 19: Daniel reads and discusses his work at the Book Stall at Chestnut Court, 811 Elm St., Winnetka (www.thebookstall.com)

6 pm Friday October 23: Daniel reads and discusses his work at 57th Street Books, 1301 E 57th St. (http://semcoop.booksense.com/NASApp/store/IndexJsp?s=localbestsellers )

Recovery just around the corner . . . the illusory oasis

Marx and Lenin Reconsidered

By PAUL CRAIG ROBERTS

“Capital is dead labor, which, vampire-like, lives only by sucking living labor, and lives the more, the more labor it sucks.”

–Karl Marx

If Karl Marx and V. I. Lenin were alive today, they would be leading contenders for the Nobel Prize in economics.

Marx predicted the growing misery of working people, and Lenin foresaw the subordination of the production of goods to financial capital’s accumulation of profits based on the purchase and sale of paper instruments. Their predictions are far superior to the “risk models” for which the Nobel Prize has been given and are closer to the money than the predictions of Federal Reserve chairmen, US Treasury secretaries, and Nobel economists, such as Paul Krugman, who believe that more credit and more debt are the solution to the economic crisis.

In this first decade of the 21st century there has been no increase in the real . . . (for more go to http://www.counterpunch.org/roberts10072009.html )

Christine Rhein, Zoe Keithley at Women & Children First

For those of you who don’t know her, Zoe is a very good friend of Anne Schultz.  Anne is a very enthusiastic, creative and imaginative teacher (of teachers and  young children). She testifies that Zoe is a marvellous fiction writer and poet, and  thinks you will really enjoy her work. Zoe is reading with Christine Rhein, whose work sounds very stimulating as well. Info is below

Time: Friday, October 23, 2009 7:30 p.m.
Location: Women & Children First
Title of Event: Christine Rhein & Zoe Keithly

Poetry Reading

Christine Rhein  reading from  Wild Flight
Zoe Keithly  reading from  Crow Song

Women & Children First Bookstore <http://www.womenandchildrenfirst.com/>

5233 N. Clark St., Chicago (773) 769-9299

presents a reading by two gifted poets.
Michigan poet Christine Rhein’s Wild Flight soars across extensive terrain.

Christine Rhein, author of Wild Flight

From the working world of Detroit to American suburbia and pop culture, from

WWII to the war in Iraq, Rhein’s poems explore history, science and the social world   with poignancy and humor.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           Christine Rhein,  author of Wild Flight

Crow Song, the new collection by Chicago to Sacramento transplant Zoe

Zoe Keithley, author of Crow Song

Zoe Keithley, author of Crow Song

Keithly, draws upon life experiences, dividing itself into four subjects: Circling, From the Nest, Scavenging, and The Long Iridescent Flight.

Crow Song, by Zoe Keithley

Zoe Keithley

…Gentle yet fiercely sculpted poems…Hers is not a well-known voice, but one that exudes experience as well as unapologetic passion.—C. Michael Curtis,  Fiction Editor, The Atlantic Monthly

It’s the whole gamut… the sensuality, the mystery, and the sacredness of every day experience…These poems reach directly into the poetry of her readers’ lives.—Chicago poet Anne Schultz, The Unicorn and the Judge

Her poetic task is to redeem the family and the lost places of childhood, and, in this book’s final poems, to redefine spiritual longing as love. –Dennis Schmitz, former Sacramento Poet Laureate.

What is Working Class Literature: July 2002

What is working class literature?

http://www.e-poets.net/PlainText/page02-001.shtml

filed 26 July 2002 | Chicago
by Lew Rosenbaum
[While there are a number of issues that should be expanded and
clarified in this article, I still think it explores some fundamental
ideas that are helpful to conceptualize when reviewing what is commonly
called "working class literature." -- Lew Rosenbaum, 2009]

“Literature is made anytime the legal apparatus is challenged by a conscience in touch with humanity.”

– Nelson Algren, Chicago City on the Make

In May 2002 a panel of distinguished writers discussed the question “Is There a Working Class Fiction?” I was very perplexed/excited by the topic of the panel. Every contemporary novel that has gripped me in the last two decades has explored working class life, its destruction and its possibilities. Take Leslie Marmon Silko’s images of transcontinental eco-warriors vs. corporate/fascist capital (Almanac of the Dead). Don Delillo’s description of a lyrical walk through Italian working-class New York contrasted with the grown up trash-king and the pursuit of popular culture as sports-icon-commodity (Underworld). These and other writers have invested their stories with heart-felt portraits and messianic visions. From Carolyn Chute’s Merry Men to Russell Banks’ Cloudsplitter, from practically anything by Barbara Kingsolver to practically anything by John Edgar Wideman. So my first reaction to the idea of the panel was: “The answer is obvious.” There’s writing about work. There’s writing by workers. There’s writing about working class life. There’s writing that transcends the present by imagining, “metaphoring” what working class life could be like. What could be simpler?

But second, I wanted to hear some discussion that would assess the role of fiction when the issue of class is beginning to reassert itself in the arts and in academics. Anthologies of working class writing have emerged, in part to feed the growing industry of working class studies on campuses. Working class studies? Are we mining the rich-yet-well-disguised cultural artifacts central to our lives, or . . . are we burying our past in a tomb-museum anthropological obfuscation? Janet Zandy, introducing her excellent anthology (What We Hold In Common) says, “I have always felt that if working class culture became merely an object of study, and not a means of struggle, then it would lose its purpose.”

Well, it turns out the question is not so simple, nor is the answer easy. To treat this question seriously we would first need to ask: what is class? what is work? and working class, then? Exploring these questions allows us to discuss: does working class describe the fiction, the author, the characters? And look at that unassuming little article, “a” in “Is There a Working Class Fiction.” The panel was charged with answering whether only one kind of fiction may be working class as opposed to another (perhaps naturalist, perhaps expressionist, perhaps not).

Unfortunately, the panel had little to say about these questions. Instead they focused on how critics use the term “working class writer” to imply second rate, as in “He’s pretty good for a working class writer.” The subject of working class writing may be considered in some sense “profane”– not dealing with universal, transcendent values, instead limited to temporal, sociological issues — consider, for example where John Steinbeck stands in the pantheon of “great writers”– a recent assessment of Steinbeck in his centenary year concluded that despite his popularity he does not belong on the same level as Hemingway, Faulkner and Joyce.

There also seemed some uncomfortable agreement on the panel that once the aspiring writer stepped away from his or her blue collar background, the term “working-class writer” no longer fit. Most of the panelists agreed that they write about the lives of workers, though not necessarily at work; and one panelist protested that he shouldn’t be pigeon-holed as writing “working class fiction” because most of his characters don’t even want to work “for the man.”

Much sound and fury, not too much light.

Why classify? Why indeed establish a category called “working class literature”? The only reason to organize information is to take information that corresponds to reality and use it to solve problems. Surely the academy and other sources have used taxonomy to suppress. And categories have been chosen to segregate the good and the bad. To borrow Zandy’s phrase: a taxonomy which operates as a “method of struggle.” Recognizing that all taxonomy creates categories that are changing, and that the purposes for creating the categories may change, I argue that at this juncture in our history it is important to look at literature and identify that literature which is useful to a developing and changing working class consciousness. This kind of category allows us to learn from and employ the metaphor and imagination that can stimulate the dreams and visions of the emerging movement.

Starting with some definitions at least gives us some common ground about which to talk. Class is most broadly a group of individuals organized according to common characteristics. We can talk about the class of pigeon-toed people, but that doesn’t yield much analysis. Terminology such as “working class” can only be understood in relation to another “non-working class.” From my vantage point, “working class” is best understood in an economic, Marxist sense, the most rigorous exploration of the term. I don’t mean to take the nineteenth century definition of the “modern working class,” the industrial worker, the “special creation of capitalism.” Language reflects life, and life is a process of constant change. Marx’s methodology required studying and taking account of changes. We have to consider the “working class” in its flux, in its motion, as a dynamic concept. As separate from a non-working class, the working class is still distinct from those who do not need to work: who are surviving quite well, thank you, because they exploit others. Do not need to work because they employ enough human, technological or speculative capital to live comfortably. That they choose to go to “work” 50 or 60 hours a week is of no concern to this investigation; nor is it our concern that some people “choose” to deal drugs or engage is some alternative money-making endeavor rather than slinging big macs all day.

A snapshot of laid-off Arthur Andersen secretaries, all out of work, does not depict people thrown out of the working class as much as people ejected from the practice of working. What is it that makes them “working class” if they are not working? They are part of a class which, from time to time, according to economic vagaries, are forced into the unemployment lines. Sometimes more, sometimes less, they may be absorbed or disgorged, as if they were water to a sponge, by the expanding or contracting capacity of capitalism. But what about the fact that so many disgorged from an increasingly automated capitalism are now superfluous, will never be called back to the work force? That our prisons house increasing numbers of these disgorged “workers”? Perhaps so many have never even had the chance to be employed, never mind disgorged.

Within the experience of that most bourgeois of nations, the United States of America, this definition includes those forced to work as slaves or indentured servants as well as those merely persuaded to work by fear of starvation. It includes those in soup lines and out on strike, those left in industrial factories and those in intellectual “factories”. While it includes those in unions, this definition specifically points to those who have no organizational status and declares: “you are one of us too.” In other words, this inclusive definition implies better than 90% of the U.S. population. Of course you have to agree that what these folks do (if and when they are paid) is work. And you have to wonder if we stand at a node of history in which what we have until now considered “working class” is profoundly transforming into something different, unknown, undescribed even by such descriptions as “underclass.”

But only by discussing this question of what we mean by working class can we even attempt to answer other questions, like: what is working class writing? Or, alternatively, is writing working class art only if it portrays the working class? Does the working class have to be portrayed heroically? Does a writer leave the working class when he/she joins a teaching faculty, perhaps obtains tenure?

The Oxford Book of Work is a thick volume. Thick as in 600 pages of small print on heavy paper; thick as in dense. Styled an anthology, it is more an encyclopedic reference work, organized semi-topically, of excerpts of work by anyone who wrote about work , from Phyllis McGinley to Karl Marx, from Diodorus Siculus to Vikram Seth. Published in 1999, still it looks much older, staid, traditional. Not surprising though: editor Keith Thomas is a former President of the British Academy and former president of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. These certainly qualify him to publish a suitably stuffy looking anthology. In the first part, editor Thomas collects excerpts from writers on the nature of work: what is it, why is it by definition “tedious” and “painful” and in what resides its pleasure? This takes up 40% of the book, and the next third consists of writings about kinds of work (agriculture, factory, intellectual, various occupations). The small remainder of the book is devoted to “the reform of work”: resistance to tyranny, disaffection, organization.

This is a book which begs for a place on your reference bookshelf, to be taken down when seeking a source, looking for a timely quote to insert somewhere (perhaps when you want to justify a point in an essay you are writing). Then, moving to the index to look for an author writing on the place of black workers in the working class you stumble on . . . scarcely a reference to slavery, the central fact of American labor history (the central fact of British/American interlocked working class history). Frederick Douglass gets one reference in the index, Margaret Walker one, and none for Langston Hughes, Claude McKay, Richard Wright, James Baldwin, Toni Morrison, John Wideman, Ralph Ellison, Maya Angelou (here I’m only referring to black writers of fiction and poetry; not even mentioning the many noteworthy black scholars in non-fiction). This is not a mere lacuna in an otherwise comprehensive work. It’s a gaping crater that undermines the usefulness of this volume. It skirts the issue of oppression by practically omitting it from mention (there is a minor bow to “women’s work” as a separate category).

There is a lot of good reference material in this book. But its British classical orientation robs it of its usefulness, especially in seeking the rich varieties of work experience and portrayal that can be found in African, American, and Latin American literature. Perhaps the title should be changed to The Oxford Book of Anglo-American Work; that would at least eliminate the pretension of comprehensiveness this volume exudes.

Growing Up Poor, with a doll-like creature holding a doll pictured on the front cover, is what it states it is: “a literary anthology.” It does not promise to be comprehensive. It’s editors, Robert Coles (Children of Crisis) and Randy Testa, have selected writers whose work gives a real sense of what it means to be alive and poor in America. Testa, who has taught literature and medical ethics at Harvard and Dartmouth medical schools, could certainly use this book in his courses. Some of the work is culled from just such courses taught by co-editor Robert Coles. Testa describes its purpose by writing about the shared goals of the authors: “their great desire to bring readers closer to understanding the lives and dreams and obstacles of a group so readily turned into a “they” in a world of shrill materialism.

You have no trouble finding Langston Hughes in this anthology: part one starts out, “Well son, I’ll tell you/Life for me ain’t been no crystal stair.” There are other “classical” pieces, by which I mean old enough to have made into the American literary canon (even if not good enough for the “Great Books” editors — perhaps the University of Chicago’s answer to Oxford for stuffy/elite). William Carlos Williams, Zora Neale Hurston, Ralph Ellison are all represented. But also Dorothy Allison’s essay, “A Question of Class,” which explores what made her “other” in Carolina and Florida. “Indian Education” — a story by Sherman Alexie — concludes existentially: “Why should we organize a reservation high school reunion? My graduating class has a reunion every weekend at the Powwow tavern.” Richard Ford, Gary Soto, Luis Rodriguez all write about farm and factory, rural and city, employed and unemployed life.

Growing Up Poor is just out in paperback (New Press, 2002). Its prose and poetry really does give a picture of obstacles and resilience. The characters who people these stories often do not work. They have one characteristic in common: they are poor. By the definition above, they are part of a class whose members must work if they are to survive. Where historically welfare has filled the gaps between periods of employment, recipients of “the dole” occupy a rung on the class stepladder far below that reserved for trades union members (at least those in the skilled trades) and “professionals.” Those caught on this rung are preponderantly white; still the American media-myth portrays them as mostly Black, Mexican and Puerto Rican.

This could be a despairing book. It is angry and sad, but it is filled with defiance, resistance and dreams. Here again is Langston Hughes:

“Don’t you set down on the steps

‘Cause you finds it kinder hard.

Don’t you fall now–

For I’se still goin’, honey,

I’se still climbin’,

And life for me ain’t been no crystal stair.”

And here are the closing lines of Allison’s extraordinary essay:

“. . .I know that suffering does not ennoble. It destroys. To resist destruction, self-hatred or lifelong hopelessness, we have to throw of the conditioning of being despised, the fear of becoming the they that is talked about so dismissively, to refuse lying myths and easy moralities, to see ourselves as human, flawed, and extraordinary. All of us — extraordinary.”

These books imply that working class writing is about the working class. That is, it’s not necessarily about work. It’s not necessarily about working. But it is about the people making up that changing category called working class, whether at work or not. Further, fiction can be dull, dry, categorical. The fiction that screams, flies, and inspires can seize the imagination about what working class life can be.

Here is George Eliot, writing a review in 1856 of two German novels: “. . . The thing for mankind to know is not what are the motives and influences which the moralist thinks ought to act on the labourer or the artisan, but what are the motives and influences which do act on him.” Praising Charles Dickens powers of “rendering the external traits of our town population,” she goes on to criticize his sentimentality and romanticism, saying, “if he could give us their psychological character . . . with the same truth as their idiom and manners, his books would be the greatest contribution Art has ever made to the awakening of social sympathies.”

Jorge Amado, in Brazil (1937), defending himself against the “bosses of the Brazilian novel,” writes: “. . .in this series of mine of novels of Bahia, I have only given myself the freedom to invent, to imagine plots. I have refused either to imagine the customs of my state, or the feelings of its men, or the way in which they react to determined facts.” He goes on: “I do know . . . that there exists in [this series] a feeling . . .: an absolute solidarity with and a great love for the humanity that lives in these books.” His note is an afterword to the publication of the sixth and final novel of the Bahia series, Captains of the Sands.

Eighty years separate these statements by two great writers. Despite the gap of their cultural difference, they have found a common theme. Explicit in her criticism of Dickens is Eliot’s concern that the evocation of the character of the working class awakens social sympathies; Amado tells us as well that he is happy in knowing that his work has allowed millions to become aware of the sufferings and dreams of the people of Bahia, “making many hearts beat in solidarity with the drama of their brethren in Bahia.”

The artist’s arsenal holds weapons that can “cast a moral searchlight” on the sufferings of the mass of humanity, thereby awakening the sympathies of the millions. Even within the framework of the most reactionary of regimes, the artist, riding the wave of a movement, can broadcast an anthem of that movement.

Many writers have ridden the tidal wave and by so doing shaped the direction the wave went. Steinbeck and Upton Sinclair, for example. Richard Wright. Charlotte Perkins Gilman. Harriet Beecher Stowe. The words may have been utopian (as with Edward Bellamy’s Looking Backward) or dystopian (as with Jack London’s prescient novel of fascism, The Iron Heel). Muckraking or uplifting. The writing captured a moment and became banners around which people rallied. They were literary challenges to the legal apparatus by a conscience in touch with humanity.

Why now are there panels on working class literature? Why is there a Center For Working Class Studies forming at a number of universities in the Chicago area? This is an era in which corporations maximize profit by cutting employment costs (e.g. the phenomenon of mass firings called “downsizing”) and when work is redefined as a technological process rather than a human endeavor. It is not a coincidence that what was once a corner of the iron triangle of U.S. industrial production is looking toward tourism to keep it from falling into the abyss of economic depression. The centers can be a sign of nostalgia for a bygone era, a department of urban anthropology; the panels be a recognition of a trend that needs to be studied academically before it can be labeled and defanged. Studies, panels and monuments are often the measure that movements and metaphors are dead.

Perhaps pessimism is only the cynic’s side of the coin. Perhaps the panels and studies and the literature itself reflect an upheaval. The working class itself is undergoing a massive transformation that is only now beginning consciously to be explored by those of us whose business it is to explore it. That is, the beginning consciousness of these kinds of basic change come about once the change has begun. Here’s what John Gilmore of the Electronic Frontier Foundation has to say about these changes:

What is wrong is that we have invented the technology to eliminate scarcity, but we are deliberately throwing it away to benefit those who profit from scarcity. We now have the means to duplicate any kind of information that can be compactly represented in digital media. We can replicate it worldwide, to billions of people, for very low costs, affordable by individuals. We are working hard on technologies that will permit other sorts of resources to be duplicated this easily, including arbitrary physical objects (“nanotechnology”; see foresight.org.) The progress of science, technology, and free markets have produced an end to many kinds of scarcity. A hundred years ago, more than 99% of Americans were still using outhouses, and one out of every ten children died in infancy. Now even the poorest Americans have cars, television, telephones, heat, clean water, sanitary sewers — things that the richest millionaires of 1900 could not buy. These technologies promise an end to physical want in the near future.

Glimmers of hope can be found in dreams that precede the changes and often reflect antecedent changes and incomplete, unfulfilled dreams from the past. Dreams of “utopia” came long before any temporal possibility of achieving the dream. Langston Hughes asked, “What happens to a dream deferred?”

Does it dry up

like a raisin in the sun?

Or fester like a sore–

And then run?

Does it stink like rotten meat?

Or crust and sugar over–

like a syrupy sweet?

Maybe it just sags

like a heavy load.

Or does it explode?

Yes, it does explode, but it also lies in wait, gathers its strength for the next round of even more advanced struggle, when the dream can be more completely realized. And if we in Chicago who write ought to know anything, we ought to know that — in this most proletarian of cities, the city of May Day’s birth and of the military suppression of the dream of the 8 hour day — our working class is profoundly unselfconscious of its identity. Chicago, a city of a working class increasingly permanently unemployed or underemployed, including ex-Andersen secretaries, World-com technicians and Dot-com engineers, to name a few, has many deferred dreams. If the freedom dreams of the 8-hour day struggle could not be completed; if the freedom dreams of the European immigrants to the Chicago stockyards could not be completed; if the freedom dreams of the wartime southern black immigrants to Chicago could not be completed; if all these and other dreams challenged the legal apparatus, were suppressed, and had to be deferred, these dreams did not merely dry up or fizzle in the explosions that greeted their suppression.

Why discuss working class art? Because there is nothing more important to discuss and to champion at a time when these dreams, long so brutally suppressed, now stand a chance of being realized. For the first time in our human history nearly every sector of our globalized working class is facing this choice: enter the world of creativity or be crushed by a similar poverty. This is the time to look beyond individual careers (will I be marginalized by being put in a working class writer box), accept the challenge proudly and defiantly. Whatever the form, whoever the writer, the stage is now set to reflect these changes and to give that changing class an imaginative voice. Fifteen years ago I read this passage and my hair stood on end:

The sky can’t make up its mind. He (John French) chews and pulls the high crowned hat tighter down on his skull. The snub toed brogans are a mile away when he stretches out his legs. Only way he can tell they belong to him is that twinge in the small of his back. They used to put them on wheels and pull people apart. Pull the arms and legs out the sockets just like a kid do a bug. Albert told him that. Albert had seen pictures of it. Boiling people in oil and slamming their heads in a helmet filled with spikes, and horses tearing men into four pieces and that wheel with ropes and pulleys stretch a man inch by inch to death. The rack, Albert said. Said he didn’t know exactly what ailed him till he saw the picture in his white woman’s book, and then he understood exactly. They got us on a rack, John French. They gon keep turning till ain’t nothing connected where it’s supposed to be. Ain’t even gon recognize our ownselves in the mirror.

The setting is a dreary, damp, very early Pittsburgh morning on a street corner. John French is a paper-hanger, a casual laborer waiting to be hired for the day. He is skilled, but he cannot get a steady, union job because he is black. The power of the metaphor. Albert does not say, “It’s like they got us on a rack.” He says “They got us on a rack.” The experienced horror of exploitation today refers back to medieval torture machinery. Not similar to; it is. I had only minor personal skirmishes with “them” — cutting the tip of my finger off in a sample factory; working on the line assembling cabinets for televisions and hi-fi systems — but my skirmishes stream vividly back. The chill down my spine mimics the tingle in John French’s. Identify. I feel what the author of this passage, John Edgar Wideman, compacted into it. I feel that tenseness and horror and despair. More. I recognize my kinship with John French, with Albert Wilkes, with the boyard of feudal Europe. I recognize my identity because the group I belong to is the group that is compelled to labor in order to eat. I read this as the most powerful depiction of class identity.

Well, they still got us on a rack, life still ain’t no crystal stair, but as never before, more of us than ever before are assuredly in the same boat. Let’s start by writing/dreaming the boat in the direction we want to go in! This will be fiction that, as Amado says, makes “many hearts beat in solidarity with the drama of their brethren,” an anthem for new times and new challenges.

“All of working-class poetry from the 1820’s to the present needs to be retrieved and studied.. . . From the Wobblies to the poststructuralists, the basic question is: Who represents the working class? With an immensely diverse and complex working class, can a handful of writers “represent” or give a “realistic” portrait of the whole class?

Julia Stein, from the essay “Industrial Music”
in What We Hold In Common (Zandy, editor)
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How It Feels to be Free

The Troubadour Cafe in West Hollywood was one place you could go in Southern California to see/hear the performers of the mid sixties often characterized as “folk.”  That and the Ash Grove were two places I went (when I could scrape up the 2 drink minimum and cover when there was one) to catch the likes of Lightnin’ Hopkins, Sonny Terry & Brownie McGee, Judy Henske, Barbara Dane, Jack Elliot, and then there was the special night at the Troubadour with Nina Simone gliding out to the piano, much like she does in the you tube video attached from about 10 years later.

I don’t remember what she played and sang that night.  I just remember how she played, how intensely she sang.  The last two years I played “How It Feels”  in my history courses.  I am still amazed at the varying and yet consistent moods of “Mississippi Goddam,” “Four Women,” and how she transposes to America Kurt Weill’s “Pirate Jenny.”

Go on the you tube site, take the opportunity to look at some of the other Nina Simone performances.  Then think how appropriate they still are, perhaps even moreso today.

Daily Kos follows Winnie the Mad as Hell Winnebago

Follow this link to the Daily Kos article on the MAHDocs.

http://www.dailykos.com/story/2009/9/27/102618/896

Teachers for Social Justice Curriculum Fair is November 22

TSJ is now officially taking applications for Workshops, Exhibitors and Resource Tables for the 9th Annual Chicago Area Teaching for Social Justice Curriculum Fair.

(if you are not clear on exactly what Workshops, Exhibitors and Resource Tables are, follow this link:
http://teachersforjustice.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=category&layout=blog&id=48&Itemid=55 )

These will also be posted on the TSJweb site: http://teachersforjustice.org/

Please note the deadline for Exhibitors and Resource Tables! OCTOBER 31!!

teachersforjustice@hotmail.com

9TH ANNUAL TEACHING FOR SOCIAL JUSTICE CURRICULUM FAIR
SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 21
10AM – 5PM
Orozco Elementary School
1940 W. 18th St (Corner of Damen)
Chicago, IL

BUILD THE EDUCATION MOVEMENT FOR LIBERATION!!