Call for papers for Working Class Studies Conference

HOW CLASS WORKS – 2010
A Conference at SUNY Stony Brook
June 3-5, 2010
CALL FOR PRESENTATIONS

The Center for Study of Working Class Life is pleased to announce the How Class Works – 2010 Conference, to be held at the State University of New York at Stony Brook, June 3 – 5, 2010. Proposals for papers, presentations, and sessions are welcome until December 14, 2009 according to the guidelines below.

Purpose and orientation: The conference seeks to explore ways in which an explicit recognition of class helps to understand the social world in which we live, and ways in which analysis of society can deepen our understanding of class as a social relationship. Presentations should take as their point of reference the lived experience of class; proposed theoretical contributions should be rooted in and illuminate social realities. Presentations are welcome from people outside academic life when they sum up social experience in a way that contributes to the themes of the conference.  Formal papers will be welcome but are not required. All presentations should be accessible to an interdisciplinary audience.

Conference themes: The conference welcomes proposals for presentations that advance our understanding of any of the following themes.

The mosaic of class, race, and gender. To explore how class shapes racial, gender, and ethnic experience and how different racial, gender, and ethnic experiences within various classes shape the meaning of class.

Class, power, and social structure. To explore the social content of working, middle, and capitalist classes in terms of various aspects of power; to explore ways in which class and structures of power interact, at the workplace and in the broader society.

Class and community. To explore ways in which class operates outside the workplace in the communities where people of various classes live.

Class in a global economy. To explore how class identity and class dynamics are influenced by globalization, including experience of cross-border organizing, capitalist class dynamics, international labor standards.

Middle class? Working class? What’s the difference and why does it matter? To explore the claim that the U.S. is a middle class society and contrast it with the notion that the working class is the majority; to explore the relationships between the middle class and the working class, and between the middle class and the capitalist class.

Class, public policy, and electoral politics. To explore how class affects public policy, with special attention to health care, the criminal justice system, labor law, poverty, tax and other economic policy, housing, and education; to explore the place of electoral politics in the arrangement of class forces on policy matters.

Class and culture: To explore ways in which culture transmits and transforms class dynamics.

Pedagogy of class. To explore techniques and materials useful for teaching about class, at K-12 levels, in college and university courses, and in labor studies and adult education courses.

How to submit proposals for How Class Works – 2010 Conference

Proposals for presentations must include the following information: a) title; b) which of the eight conference themes will be addressed; c) a maximum 250 word summary of the main points, methodology, and slice of experience that will be summed up; d) relevant personal information indicating institutional affiliation (if any) and what training or experience the presenter brings to the proposal; e) presenter’s name, address, telephone, fax, and e-mail address. A person may present in at most two conference sessions. To allow time for discussion, sessions will be limited to three twenty-minute or four fifteen-minute principal presentations. Sessions will not include official discussants.  Proposals for poster sessions are welcome.  Presentations may be assigned to a poster session.

Proposals for sessions are welcome. A single session proposal must include proposal information for all presentations expected to be part of it, as detailed above, with some indication of willingness to participate from each proposed session member.

Submit proposals as hard copy by mail to the How Class Works  - 2010 Conference, Center for Study of Working Class Life, Department of Economics, SUNY, Stony Brook, NY 11794-4384 or as an e-mail attachment to <michael.zweig@stonybrook.edu>.

Timetable:  Proposals must be received by December 14, 2009. Notifications will be mailed on January 19, 2010. The conference will be at SUNY Stony Brook June 3- 5, 2010.  Conference registration and housing reservations will be possible after February 15, 2010. Details and updates will be posted at <http://www.workingclass.sunysb.edu/>http://www.workingclass.sunysb.edu.

Conference coordinator:
Michael Zweig
Director, Center for Study of Working Class Life
Department of Economics
State University of New York
Stony Brook, NY 11794-4384
631.632.7536
michael.zweig@stonybrook.edu

Marc Sapir is still a Mad as Hell Doc for Single Payer Health Care

still a Mad as Hell Doc for Single Payer Health Care

Marc Sapir in 1968: He's still a mad as hell doc

Marc Sapir in 1968: He's still a mad as hell doc

I guess I haven’t held up my end of the bargain with the readers of the Berkeley Planet.  A few Planet readers have approached me to ask why I didn’t finish writing my cross-country travelogue. So what happened, they wanted to know, when you got to Washington, DC?   Aye yay yay.  Please accept my apology.

So let me start back at the tour itself.  I’ve reviewed the compendium of the individual TV appearances we made in local venues from Seattle to Washington.  The amount of dust we kicked up—over a million citings on Google, many dozens of radio and TV appearances and interviews and print media articles—is not to be sneezed at.  We made a splash all across the US. When I told a nurse at work that, unfortunately, we only got local news coverage in all those cities and did not get national media attention, she claimed I was wrong.  That she saw us on a national Fox News feed out in front of the White House.  Fox?

Here’s my final report on the tour.  Despite many thousands of e-mails and phone calls the White House did not invite us in.  Not only weren’t we invited to share with the President what thousands of people asked us to report about their crying need for a national health insurance program–Medicare for All–but we weren’t invited to sit down with Health Secretary Sibelius either.  Too, we weren’t invited to some secret rendezvous (like the Health Insurance and Pharma people).  Not even with the most inconsequential of underlings.  The only interaction that I remember with the White House went like this:

After our energized rally in front of the White House on September 30 at 4-6 p.m. (where our usual Mad as Hell show was supplemented by the Regional Director of the AFL-CIO, by the Raging Grannies, by a grassroots African American DC leader and by the foot stomping charisma of Dennis Kucinich who seemed to appear on stage out of the sky) had run its course, a group of 20 or so docs and others walked over by the White House fence and did some Single Payer chanting and singing.  After about 30 minutes, the rally crowd having dispersed, this small group began to head out for the evening and a woman, whom I didn’t know, put one of the single payer symbolic white ribbons on top of the fence.  A military guard 30 yards off within the White House grounds saw this brazen act of rebellion and shouted “take that down.”  And that was the extent of the Mad as Hell Doctors interaction with the Obama White House—at least this time around.

The next morning Congressman Kucinich sponsored a press conference with us at the House Office Building and after that read into the Congressional Record a personal commendation for our efforts and he did a little rant for single payer and HR 676 on the House floor with only one or two other Congresspeople in attendance at 10 a.m.  Maybe this is anticlimactic?  So here’s more.

As we went across the country, at each of 40 stops and right there in front of the White House, we, the docs, each gave our 3 minutes of why I’m Mad as Hell.  And this was a very moving presentation (as well as one full of meaty facts) no matter how many times I heard it and participated in it because after us, after some music and a question period, the last 20 minutes or so involved the testimony from audience members of why they are mad as hell and getting screwed to the wall or driven to destitution, suffering or death by the non-health care system.  These stories were  moving, riveting, sometimes amusing and more often heart wrenching as we traveled from town to town.  (They were all posted on You Tube via the <http://www.madashelldoctors.com/>www.madashelldoctors.com web site).

My own 3 doc minutes, which at first focused on the fact that we spend twice as much as any other country on health care to rank 37th on the World Health Organization’s composite ranking of health outcomes so that Wall street profits can stay high, fairly soon transformed itself into something more when  I mentioned the Martin Luther King Jr. quote about health care, which I first saw on the back of the Single Payer Now SF t-shirt: “Of all the forms of inequality, injustice in health care is the most shocking and inhumane.”  I was urged to always make this my main point and was placed last speaker among the docs.

And so I did, saying that King recognized this was a civil rights issue and that Health Care and health (as stated also in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the UN Charter) are human rights.  And that we all recognize that the Congress is in the pocket of those who place their profits before our health and so we can not rely upon pressuring and petitioning Congress with e-mails, phone calls and petitions but we will have to heed King’s unfulfilled dream of equal quality health care.  We have to rebuild a civil rights movement from coast to coast that will not take no for an answer and will utilize the same tactics that won civil rights for African Americans in the 60s.  And when I said those things, each time, the docs and the crowds cheered louder.  I never failed to see people in these audiences—granted they were not huge throngs but they were audiences of varied types, ages, classes and hues and averaged about 200 people—rise to their feet and start shouting and cheering in affirmation of these words.

Shakespeare began Richard III with the famous words: “Now is the winter of our discontent.”  And I think this applies presently.  There is huge anger and discontent throughout the land.  It’s about health care, but obviously also so much more.  I don’t know how we will rebuild a national civil rights movement in this country out of that discontent and under present conditions of crisis and decay and corruption.  I don’t know how we learn to meld the civil right to health care to other civil rights–of the undocumented who are sustaining such serious attacks, to the people being driven from their homes, the 2.3 million people in prison who are deprived of an opportunity for real re-integration and education, to the right to a job for those tens of millions of “requisite” unemployed and underemployed deprived sustenance by a finance system whose wealth accumulation continues,  based upon vulturism, cheating, speculation and human suffering (and no longer even on industrial production), or to the rights of people denied because of their sexual identity, to the right to end a pregnancy, to the right to clean air, water, to food and a sustainable habitat for our species and others.   I don’t know how we build a movement upon the foundational ideas of democracy in an environment which attacks those rights, changing the idea of democracy into a uniquely socialist principle (and the Right is not wrong when they imply that justice and democracy are now a socialist plot, because democracy and finance capitalism seem daily less and less compatible even as artifice).  And yet, I don’t think we are going to see much positive change in our nation without all this coming together into a social movement.  Without class being discussed and the working class being valued and trained to lead itself out of this morass.

Even though I have no satisfying answers, the Mad as Hell Docs tour for Single Payer provided me with more hope than I expected.  It fortified my belief that the grassroots surge that helped Obama win the White House is just waiting out there to be reconstituted as an independent largely non-electoral civil rights movement to achieve justice for all.   And I’ll let a goodbye note that a young woman, perhaps 30 years old, left on a kitchen table for Dr. Gene Uphoff and myself after we spent the night at her family’s home in Chicago (her dad is an internist in practice and a Single Payer supporter) explain why I am more hopeful.  She wrote regarding the Mad as Hell Tour, “…It is so important for your message and spirit to be heard at this time, especially by the younger generations who grew up in the cynical 70s, 80s and 90s.  Your stories, songs, insight and compassion teach me, and can teach many others, that social movement is not copyrighted by the Obama Campaign—or any other specific movement in time.  And that it is, rather, an expression of our intrinsic human spirit when we believe in and strive for freedom, peace, equality and justice.  Best of wishes and safe travels……….”   Like Corey suggests, I think it’s up to all of us to collectivize our own power.  So what do you think?

Marc Sapir MD, MPH
510-848-3826
<mailto:marcsapir@gmail.com>marcsapir@gmail.com

marc sapir is a Berkeley Mad as Hell doctor for Single Payer Health Care.

Marc Sapir

Report from the UC Berkeley Conference to Save California Public Education on 24 October 2009 – Steven Miller

The conference was attended by more than 500 people representing most of the Universities of California (11 campuses) and Cal State Universities (23) campuses, along with many community colleges (mostly from the Bay Area). Around 60 K12 teachers were present from various local cities. Adult Education teachers, who teach more students than the combined college levels were also present. Various unions of campus workers, at all college levels, were represented.

In California, with the largest population of any state, these cut backs directly hurt several million students, from k12 thru college plus adult ed.

People were young and old, from all sectors, all grades, all levels of California public education: professors, students, Adult Education k12 teachers all strongly represented.  College level students from all over the state were a large percentage. The UCB-based Student Worker Action Committee chaired the meeting.

The state American Federation of Teachers endorsed the meeting, though no big shots were present. The California Teachers Association (NEA affiliate) – the largest teachers union – did not endorse the meeting. This continues the abject collaboration of  CTA officials who never put a teacher in the streets to oppose the phony budget crisis, but who declared the $9 billion in cuts to k12 education “a victory”. In recent weeks, they have advocated that layoffs of teachers were necessary and should be accepted. Then they are proposing that the union takeover the Richmond, Ca (6 miles North of Berkeley), create a system of charter schools. This would be in collaboration with Standard Oil, the company that owns the town.
The first speakers, addressing the conference from the stage, were all clear that this is a fight of the working class. Though plenty of Left groups were present, these people, both students and local unionists, were not encumbered with their rhetoric. These were honest and clear statements.

Most people understand that the current situation of cutbacks, tuition hikes and layoffs are simply not necessary. The general slogan, up to this point, is “No cutbacks, no fees, public education must be free”.

The conference agreed to:

¿ Hold a one-day strike on March 4, with the understanding that each area will do something to protest attacks on public education in some form.

¿ Protest at the next UC Regents meeting, at UCLA on November 18 – 20.

¿ Meet as a conference once again before the March 4 Action, with people from each constituency serving as a continuations committee.

The choice of March 4 is significant because it reveals real awareness by the college level folks of the horrific $9  billion cuts that have been imposed on K12. These cuts can lead to massive teacher layoffs. March 15 is the date in California when teachers must be notified they will be laid-off. This is an expression of broad unity.

Some history: under the guise of the phony California budget crisis, UC Chancellor, Mark Yudoff has cut faculty, students and university employees across the board. Tuition will go up 50% by next fall from 2 years ago. Cuts at the State University level and the community college level will be at least as bad.

Yudoff, a serial killer of public universities, is famous for his signature quote, “Being president of the University of California is like being manager of a cemetery: there are many people under you and no one is listening.” People left the conference at the end to go to Yudoff’s house (lavishly paid for by the state) to construct a cemetery on his lawn.

The conference represented all levels of public education: k12 + community college, state university and UC levels levels. Adult Education is facing destruction because it lost its dedicated funding stream from the state. Thus it is now at the whim of local school districts, all of whom are cutting back. It also represented a unity of students and unions, without the historical splits due to syndicalism that have always hurt movements (black vs brown, students vs workers, etc

The conference represented a real, growing movement to defend public education. The broad range of attacks has created separate streams of struggle (students at each level, teachers at each level) that face different situations and thus have somewhat different demands. These streams are still marching parallel. It will take one more step for them to fuse into a genuinely common movement.

The conference was endorsed by: CFT, UC Berkeley General Assembly, San Francisco Bay Labor Council, Solidarity Alliance, Oakland Education Association (OEA), UPTE Local 1, CUE Local 3, AFT 1493, Peace and Freedom Party, Berkeley SJP (Students for Justice in Palestine), Berkeley PSA (Persian Student Association)

The disparity of conditions lead to the creation of a long laundry list of demands as well as a variety of positions on what actions to take and when. As is traditional at UC Berkeley, the conference attempted to resolve all this with hours of messy and inefficient ultra democracy.

We note that the Civil Rights Movement subsumed hundreds of demands behind the two-word banner  “Freedom Now”. Though this clarity of vision has yet to congeal, the direction is clearly towards “Free Quality Public Education for All”. The emergence of a popularly accepted “banner” is the hallmark of an active and growing social movement. This is half-a-step away.

The underlying theme is a positive vision. While there is plenty of talk about “fighting budget cuts”, one of the strengths of this movement from the start is that it has not put forward a negative vision (ie being “against” everything), but has systematically put forward the vision of “Defend Public Education”. Everyone there clearly recognized, as well, that the movement cannot be built unless the interests of undocumented workers are included. This is a reflection of the great 2006 marches, a formative event for many students.

At the same time, the orientation towards “Free Quality Public Education for All” is not yet directed holding the government accountable to guarantee the interests of the people, rather than corporations. This idea is so implicit in peoples’ thinking, however, that most people would immediately assume this.
There is plenty of general recognition that the privatization of public education is happening. However there appears to be little general recognition that government at all levels – federal, state, and local – is systematically being shriveled by the capitalist class.  The government, at all levels, is getting out of the people business with startling speed. By privatizing, it avoids all accountability.

There is little understanding of the process, since Clinton, popularly known as “getting rid of Big Government, which is really the devolution of government’s role and responsibility to the people. First, the government (as opposed to the “Great Society” Era) renounces its responsibility to support human beings by pushing all such responsibility down to the states who have pushed it onto the counties. Second, the feds just offer block grants, which feeds corruption at the state and local level as these funds are diverted away from what people think is the safety net.

How to concretize the need to focus the movement to hold the government accountable to the people is something that is still emerging and still concretizing. However, the best formulation that I have heard is that the federal government must be held responsible to bail out all state and local cutbacks, and then to bail out all human needs.

Privatization is seen more as “the current crisis” rather than a campaign by corporations, lead and organized by the state. The idea of holding government accountable is likewise implicit, yet has not emerged to give the movement, such as it is, a real focus. It is critical to recognize that this is a movement just beginning, one that must maintain the initiative and actions to keep drawing people in.

On the negative tip, there was a fair representation of Lefties who demanded a general strike – to good humored snickering. More importantly, the focus of the meeting was action, so there was some resistance to talking about the Big Picture. This, in my opinion, is something that could really be productive at meetings like this. Bickering over whether the actions should start on March the 4 or March the 15 are less important.

While some people could only focus on action demands, others went so far as to advocate that the conference call for protection of the whole public sector. This is a positive recognition of the real process that is unfolding behind government devolution, that is, the dispossession of everything public by corporations, now organized and abetted by the government and their hallowed “public-private cooperation”. There can be no doubt that corporations are now campaigning to dispossess America of every public right, policy, power, ownership form, function and responsibility. The goal is that the public will be no more. This is dispossession.

Another important polarity is this: Talking about the next steps for this, the California movement, is one thing. This involves setting goals, tactics, many practical organizing particulars.

Talking about the next step for the movement of the working class, of which this is just an expression, is a whole ‘nother thing. What are the next steps for the political development of the process? What does leadership mean in this context? This involves issues of strategy, vision, historical strengths and weaknesses, teaching and determining the overall line of march as class begins to confront class in the United States. No one can seriously doubt that dispossession marks organized class warfare, well organized from the corporate sector against the working people of this country. There will be a response. How can this be steered from simple defensive responses to taking the offensive?

Aside from the Days of Action, there are dozens of events unfolding across the state at the post k12 level: marches, protests, teach-ins, you name it.

For continuous information, see the websites:

Savecapubliceducation.org

keepcaliforniaspromise.org

[Steven Miller is an educator in Northern California]

Berrien County: restrictions on Rev. Pinkney

Rev. Pinkney is still on limited probation for four years.

Berrien County Chief Judge Alfred Butzbaugh lifted Pinkney’s tether probation,

but . . .

One has to wonder about Butzbaugh. What motivated him to ease up on Pinkney? Of course, not totally.  Pinkney and the rest of us need to understand that there will be limitations on our liberty if we speak the truth too loudly.

Butzbaugh is still not in compliance with the Mich. Court of Appeals decision handed down in the summer. If he was, Pinkney would be totally free, as he should have been all along.

Butzbaugh does NOT want Pinkney observing what goes on in his courthouse. This activity, so needed in Berrien county, was a part of Pinkney’s daily routine for years. Note the third probation condition below from Butzbaugh’s Oct. 13 order (all are in effect until July 2013):

1.) Pinkney must be inside his home between 7 p.m. and 7 a.m. 2.) He can’t engage in “assaultive, abusive, harassing, violent, threatening, or intimidating behavior, or any defamatory or demeaning communications as to Glen Yarbrough or the Benton Harbor city commissioners,” according to Butzbaugh’s Oct. 13 modified order. 3.) Pinkney must stay at least 1,000 feet away from Butzbaugh; except Pinkney may be in the Berrien County courthouse to report to his probation officer “and to participate in a court hearing to which you are a party.”

If he is convicted of violating any of his probation conditions, he could be sent back to prison.  Before the recent order to lift the tether condition, Butzbaugh ordered Pinkney to pay $105/week to wear it.  In Berrien, they ruin lives every hour of every day, through heavy court costs (ie, tether fees, etc.), false convictions, you name it. By any means necessary they make Benton Harbor “resort & golf course-ready.”  Pinkney is a victim of the system he works to expose.

The Mich. Court of Appeals threw out Pinkney’s probation violation, saying it violated his right to free speech. (Pinkney wrote an article criticizing Butzbaugh.) Butzbaugh has been in denial of the higher court decision. His inaction serves to remind all familiar with Berrien County Court behavior that they continue to be the rogue court of Michigan. They are able to do as they wish without regulation, supervision, or oversight.

Those who pay attention know that Whirlpool Corp. and Rep. Fred Upton are the actual “regulators” of the courthouse and everything county-wide, Gov. Granholm backs the Whirlpool-Upton cartel, and the corruption goes on and on and on. Granholm and the state of Michigan could care less that human rights abuses are beyond out-of-control in this southwest region.

<http://bhbanco.org/>bhbanco.org

 

submitted by: Gordon Matthews

Good News From Berrien County

Gordon Matthews, whose regular correspondence has kept us informed about the travesty of justice taking place in Berrien County, Michigan and surrounding the incarceration, then house arrest, of Rev. Edward Pinkney.  Now he writes with good news!

“[On] October 16, Rev. Pinkney received a 3-way phone call from Judge Butzbaugh and the Berrien County probation officer assigned to him.  [Judge Butzbaugh issued a brief order and opinion which vacated the tether condition thus assuring] his freedom from house arrest and tether!!!

Pinkney is finally free.  Many thanks for all your phone calls to various authorities.
Many thanks to all attorneys working on Pinkney’s behalf.

He was told, however, to pay immediately the $1700.00 he owes for the tether.
Pinkney stopped paying for this control mechanism weeks ago.  But for a long time he paid
$105.00 each week.  Of course, it should be the other way around:  Berrien County owes Pinkney
a lot of money for a variety of reasons!  Both the house arrest and tether were illegally enforced.

One of his plans is to immediately continue as court observer in the Berrien County Courthouse.  “The war goes on,” he said.

To congratulate Rev. P., ask him about his plans, etc., call or email:  269-925-0001, <mailto:banco9342@sbcglobal.net>banco9342@sbcglobal.net

Go to <http://bhbanco.org>bhbanco.org for a new article by Dorothy Pinkney.”
Rev. Edward Pinkney:
How BANCO Started: “Many years ago I was going about my life believing that the justice system was just that until I started going to the court house to observe all the wrong convictions. There are numerous factors for wrongful convictions in the Berrien County court system. Most of the problems are in the local judicial system.”

“It’s hard to believe that in the year 2008 we have a county in Michigan with a legal system this antiquated and racist. What’s harder to believe is that no one at the State or National level is taking any action to remedy the situation.”

“We cannot run society for the privileged and allow a significant proportion of the population to be marginalized. It impacts the quality of life for all of us. If we have throwaway people, a justice system which tolerates injustice is doomed to collapse. I am truly ready for action.” Call or write me anytime about anything!
269-925-0001 banco9342@sbcglobal.net

Motown’s New Mayor Unilaterally Ends Almost All Union Contracts

[As the friend who sent this to me remarked, "It seems like at least once a week since Obama took office, I receive an email that makes me check the calendar to be sure that April 1 has not rolled around again. Here’s the latest."]

Motown’s New Mayor Unilaterally Ends Almost All Union Contracts

By Diane Bukowski

<http://michigancitizen.com/print_this_story.asp?smenu=1&sdetail=7890>Originally published in the Michigan Citizen Newspaper

DETROIT — Without prior warning, Mayor Dave Bing has sent most of the city’s 50 unions a letter unilaterally terminating their contracts effective Oct. 19. The letter, dated Oct. 9, says the city will stop taking union dues and service fee deductions from members’ checks, but will continue negotiations without a contract.

Elimination of dues check-off means that the city’s union representatives, nearly all of whom work city jobs as well, will have to collect their own dues. The letter went out less than a month before the Nov. 3 mayoral election. Most of the city’s unions have endorsed Bing’s opponent, Tom Barrow.

Bing discussed his action on the Mildred Gaddis show (WCHB 1200 AM) the same day the contract termination letters went out, citing an estimated $300 million budget deficit.

Bing’s spokesman Cliff Russell said, “Mayor Bing is working as expeditiously as possible to address Detroit’s financial situation and move our city forward.  The upcoming election has not been a consideration in any of the decisions made by Mayor Bing pertaining to the improvement of city government.  Mayor Bing respects the law and is operating in accordance with the law.”

“We must make the tough but necessary changes,” Bing said in a column published in the Detroit Free Press Oct. 11. “We can’t operate an entire bus line for a couple of riders; we can’t employ every resident, and we can no longer afford the perks once demanded by the unions. Times have changed. And now, we must do the same.”

D-DOT officials have said that any line with less than 40 percent ridership is considered “failing” and subject to be cut entirely or have wait times increased.

Henry Gaffney is President of the Amalgamated Transit Union Local 26, representing bus drivers.

“He laid off 113 of our drivers Oct. 2, and who knows what he’ll do if he gets re-elected in November,” said Gaffney. “He’s likely to go crazy and get rid of the rest of city services. We’re going to need 100 percent of our members contributing their dues just for our local’s mere survival. We met with Bing last week and I thought we had an understanding. We were supposed to start mediation tomorrow (Oct. 14), but then he comes up with this.

Local 312 of the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) was able to stave off hundreds of lay-offs of its members after it filed suit and the city mysteriously came up with funds to keep them on the job.

“Humanity to a guy like that has no meaning and he showed it when he gave less than a damn about the people left without bus transportation,” said Local 312 President Leamon Wilson, who also chairs city’s 17 AFSCME Local Presidents. “We told him we were ready to take some kind of concessions, if he took the draconian s— off the table, but his attitude was, ‘My way or the highway.’”

Wilson said Bing has asked for unprecedented cuts, including 78 unpaid furlough days over three years, the elimination of tuition refund payments, restrictions on annual longevity payments, reductions in retiree benefits, and ending medical benefits for non-duty disability retirees. The latter workers are only paid several hundred dollars a month.

“The city went to the Michigan Employment Relations Commission (MERC) and tried to get our request for fact-finding thrown out,” said Wilson. “There’s supposed to be a 60-day cooling off period after the fact-finding so this termination should not be happening.

He said the city owes the general employees’ pension plan $46 million from the last two years, is about to default on its current $23 million obligation, and could be subject to legal action as a result. He also remarked that he believes the city plan for Detroit is complete regionalization.

In 1992, former Mayor Coleman Young also terminated dues deductions and laid off the city’s entire clerical staff one day after Wall Street lowered the city’s bond ratings because Detroit workers would not agree to a 10 percent pay cut.

On Aug. 25, Wall Street further lowered Detroit’s bond status. Moody’s and Standard and Poors rated Detroit to below junk level, meaning higher interest rates on the city’s gargantuan long-term debt of $5.5 billion through 2037. The banks and lending agencies financing Detroit’s bonds are the same ones who have received over $1 trillion in tax-funded Economic Stimulus Funds from Washington.

Bing’s Turn-Around team is chaired by Denise Illitch of Illitch Holdings, former Deputy Mayor Freman Hendrix, and former Ford Motor Company executive Joe Walsh. It is populated by corporate executives, attorneys, accountants and others, particularly from the Big Three.

“Bing is the puppet, the puppet-masters are attempting to run this city and plan for its’ future with a plan that has no future,” said Ron Gracia, President of the Senior Accountants, Analysts and Appraisers (SAAA) union. “These people have no clue about ‘public-sector’ and are all out to bust the unions, make it a right-to-work state for their own devices. You can only push people so far before they keep pushing back with a force greater than the one which started it.”

Daniel Wolff discusses How Lincoln Learned to Read

Daniel Wolff will make a whirlwind trip to the Midwest from October 18 through October 25, speaking in Chicago, Springfield, Madison and Milwaukee. Poet, grammy nominated music writer, and revolutionary thinker, Wolff begins  Sunday AM with an appearance on WGN radio. Daniel’s Chicago events continue when he signs books on Monday evening at the Book Stall at Chestnut Court and at 57th Street Books on Friday evening.

Daniel has written incisively on the implications of the charter school phenomenon:  <http://www.counterpunch.org/dwolff09252009.html> Earlier in the year I reviewed Daniel’s book for Chicago Labor & Arts Notes.  This is what I wrote then:

How Lincoln Learned to Read

How Lincoln Learned to Read

HOW LINCOLN LEARNED TO READ
Twelve Great Americans and the Education that Made Them
by Daniel Wolff

reviewed by Lew Rosenbaum

Sundays my family gathered in the living room and listened to the Jewish hour on the radio, a program from new York that featured some of the Jewish entertainers of the late forties and early fifties.  The Barry Sisters answered for us the pop media girl group, the Andrews Sisters.  And the highlights were the various comedians from the borscht circuit, people whose voices I learned before some of them made it to TV and perhaps the Ed Sullivan Show.  It’s from this time, perhaps from those comedians who claimed to repeat what their mothers told them,  that I first heard, in a heavy accent that is not reproducible with English letters, that succeeding in life meant: becoming a “doctor, a lawyer and a cpa.”  For my mother, who repeated this mantra to me  in my adolescence, this meant doing well in school.  Neither of my parents ever spent a day in a college classroom.  I am not sure that they graduated from high school.  Their calculus led to this equation:  Education equals going to school equals good grades equals a good profession.  Emphasis on the word “profession.”  A good job wasn’t enough.

For much of American history, schooling (and therefore education) has meant something of that, especially from the period of the early 1800’s and the growth of reform movements that sprang from the industrial revolution.  There is a measure of this in the years immediately following the Civil War, when freed slaves took the lead in developing a free public school system in the South that educated not only black families, but also poor whites (who had been excluded from education) as well.  There is also a measure of this in the trade unions who hired readers to come into the factories and read to workers while they labored at their machines.  I say “a measure of this” because there has also been another element in schooling and education that is more difficult to quantify than the number of dollars you have at the end of the working day.

I can describe that other element as a thirst for knowledge independent of what will come home in a paycheck.  A hunger to understand the universe in which we live. To amass the tools for solving problems, for changing the world as well as understanding it.   I don’t know any other way to explain why, in my fourth year of pre-med, I endangered my potential earning power by taking as electives a course in calculus and an advanced seminar in German literature.

Wait.  One assumption needs to be stated, without which this also makes no sense.  My mother made this assumption, the freed slaves made this assumption and the common school movement made this assumption as well. Both Plessy v. Ferguson and Brown V. Board of Education made this assumption too.  All education may not be schooling, but all schooling is education.

In the year 2009, I am certain all schooling is not education. I am also just as certain that a movement is developing in America that is raising this issue.  Within that movement you will find teachers, students and parents fighting for a complex of things like class size, teacher pay, special education, safe schools, and against school closings to name a few.   Most of these actors believe that they are fighting for education.  The battleground on which they are fighting is the preservation of schooling and the improvement of the current system.

They are joined by a group of people who have a different agenda in mind for the children of our society.  That agenda privatizes the schooling system we have and renders it as a warehouse system from which those who are best able to cope with schooling are removed to be given a better system of schooling and training for future professional positions.  The warehouse is a necessary system of day care until the prisons, the armed forces and the homeless shelters swallow its graduates.

In other words, the schooling system in America serves the function it is supposed to do, and not because the managers are inherently evil or because of a few mistakes that can be corrected.  How else can American corporations respond to a society in which jobs are being eliminated?

There is a more important question. Perhaps “getting ahead” was a reasonable goal for education in an era in which our working lives were commodities. When the ability to work has less and less value, in the twenty-first century, what is education for?

I think that this is the way to read Daniel Wolff’s new book, How Lincoln Learned To Read.

“it’s a classic American moment, a classic moment in American education,”  Wolff writes.  The profile of Helen Keller, which ties up so many patterns developed earlier in the book, begins with those words.  They describe her “first step” in learning, one which has been memorialized on stage, screen and printed page, The scene is by a water pump in the family back yard. Teacher (Anne Sullivan) grasps Helen, forces her to go to the pump, takes the handle and pours water over Helen’s hand, all the while tracing the letters “w-a-t-e-r” on her hand. Suddenly Helen recognizes the key to the universe lies in those symbols.

The scene by the water pump (much like Lincoln’s storied walking for miles to borrow and return books and reading by candle light) becomes iconic, serves to hide a much more complex relationship.  The back yard is behind the house on a plantation owned by generations of Kellers.  Helen grows up in the shadow of the Civil War; the war and its aftermath has placed her family in position to reimpose and enforce the lynch law of the South.  Unable to see, hear or speak, nonetheless she assimilates the Southern aristocratic attitude that her teacher from the north finds repulsive.  Despite their histories, and because of them, they are thrown together and each learns from the other.  Teacher learns the fundamentals of education, while Helen opens her mind up to the world around her.

First comes structure, obedience, know your place.  So Teacher believes.  But then, she concludes that there is something internal to Helen that allows her to learn, that gushes out.  Teacher is not feeding Helen, but merely liberating what has been choked up and suppressed.  To do this she embarks on a program of answering any questions Helen comes up with rather than a disciplined course of study.  She champions this instructional method (taken up later by Montessori) until, at a certain point, she and Helen decide she needs more of the “rudiments.”  You do not learn by filling in the “rudiments” earlier, but now it is necessary to become more accomplished in a traditional educational setting.  It is a matter of stages as much as anything else. Or, deciding, at each stage, what is education for?  What do I need now?

At every stage she is confronted by the economics of education.  She requires a more intense process.  But how is she to get this?  In the South, education has returned to pre-reconstruction levels.  Southerners know that education is just another abolitionist trick.  But even in the North, education requires money, especially at her level.  Philanthropy steps in, and her patrons help out so that she is able to get not just a high school diploma but university degrees.  Not, however, since her earlier days has she gotten an education:  she has gotten training, useful perhaps, but not all of what is needed.  Wolff skillfully raises the issues of training vs. education, and the question of what that means.

Keller’s story is central also because she had to use all available forms to achieve her goals.  Goals she pursued with vehemence.  At one stage school was essential.  At another stage it was an obstacle. She did not have the luxury for either/or; she needed both/and.  And what she learned, the author makes clear, is a way of viewing the world that she could neither see nor hear.

This collection of stories treats individuals with different backgrounds, different skills, different goals.  It begins with Ben Franklin and ends with Elvis Presley.  In between, Wolff gives us portraits of Sojourner Truth and Henry Ford, W.E.B. DuBois and John F. Kennedy.  People who believe deeply in a public education, people who think that public education is money and time wasted.  In the journey on which he takes us, he points out landmarks along the way that indicate how our ideas of necessary knowledge have changed and stayed the same.  He wants us to find out what we want to be when we grow up (as a nation):  “Because isn’t any history of American knowledge . . . a history of expectations, of preparing for the future, of hope?”

There is a conversation in this book, an argument among those portrayed and, inevitably, an argument with us readers. Not the least of these arguments is the existence/extension/dismantling public education itself. Suburban vs. inner city. Charter vs. magnet vs. parochial/private vs. public. Union vs. non-union. Can the demands for equal and quality education be resolved without redefining what we mean by education?  How can we even begin to define what me mean by education if we leave that definition solely to the CEO’s of our schools and their staffs (and teachers)?  One significant insight that Wolff contributes to this discussion is that the student’s very valuable insight should be prominent in any decision making. The perhaps indirect implication also is that the very necessary battle against privatization in the schools is only a stage in countering the turning over of all possible public services to corporate economy.

These are some of the arguments that surface as I read this book. Because the problems we face are the same and yet fundamentally different.  If we are still asking the same questions (and Wolff suggests we are: e.g., “Don’t we still have to decide if Henry Ford was right: that great men are born and that most people don’t want to think?”), perhaps a new set of assumptions and questions are in order.  “And then we come back to the question of how to prepare for the future.  We listen for what’s next.”  That is a profoundly revolutionary task for all of us.

I admit I approach this book with some blinders in place:  I have admired Daniel Wolff’s work for some time now. I know Daniel and consider him a friend.  I reviewed his Asbury Park with similar feelings:  a small book hiding as a history of a resort town. Like that book, How Lincoln Learned  to Read tells a history of class relations and race relations in this country.

How Lincoln Learned to Read

How Lincoln Learned to Read

11 am Sunday  October 18, join Daniel Wolff for a brunch discussion of what constitutes education in the 21st century, at the Chicago Cultural Center in the court behind the Randolph Cafe. Chicago public education has had a severe dose of Duncanization under the Daley administration; with Arne Duncan in higher places, we’ve already seen the Chicago disaster model projected as a national panacea.  While many of us are fighting to save what little is left in our still severely segregated schools, Daniel asks fundamental questions that need to be brought on the table. And, he is quick to add,  all of us at the table need to carry on these discussions and establish our visions of what is possible.

Bagels and cream cheese will be provided by the Chicago Labor and Arts Festival.  The program is co-sponsored by the Chicago Education Committee of the League of Revolutionaries for a New America. (The Randolph Cafe is closed on Sunday)

7 pm Monday October 19: Daniel reads and discusses his work at the Book Stall at Chestnut Court, 811 Elm St., Winnetka (www.thebookstall.com)

6 pm Friday October 23: Daniel reads and discusses his work at 57th Street Books, 1301 E 57th St. (http://semcoop.booksense.com/NASApp/store/IndexJsp?s=localbestsellers )

Christine Rhein, Zoe Keithley at Women & Children First

For those of you who don’t know her, Zoe is a very good friend of Anne Schultz.  Anne is a very enthusiastic, creative and imaginative teacher (of teachers and  young children). She testifies that Zoe is a marvellous fiction writer and poet, and  thinks you will really enjoy her work. Zoe is reading with Christine Rhein, whose work sounds very stimulating as well. Info is below

Time: Friday, October 23, 2009 7:30 p.m.
Location: Women & Children First
Title of Event: Christine Rhein & Zoe Keithly

Poetry Reading

Christine Rhein  reading from  Wild Flight
Zoe Keithly  reading from  Crow Song

Women & Children First Bookstore <http://www.womenandchildrenfirst.com/>

5233 N. Clark St., Chicago (773) 769-9299

presents a reading by two gifted poets.
Michigan poet Christine Rhein’s Wild Flight soars across extensive terrain.

Christine Rhein, author of Wild Flight

From the working world of Detroit to American suburbia and pop culture, from

WWII to the war in Iraq, Rhein’s poems explore history, science and the social world   with poignancy and humor.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           Christine Rhein,  author of Wild Flight

Crow Song, the new collection by Chicago to Sacramento transplant Zoe

Zoe Keithley, author of Crow Song

Zoe Keithley, author of Crow Song

Keithly, draws upon life experiences, dividing itself into four subjects: Circling, From the Nest, Scavenging, and The Long Iridescent Flight.

Crow Song, by Zoe Keithley

Zoe Keithley

…Gentle yet fiercely sculpted poems…Hers is not a well-known voice, but one that exudes experience as well as unapologetic passion.—C. Michael Curtis,  Fiction Editor, The Atlantic Monthly

It’s the whole gamut… the sensuality, the mystery, and the sacredness of every day experience…These poems reach directly into the poetry of her readers’ lives.—Chicago poet Anne Schultz, The Unicorn and the Judge

Her poetic task is to redeem the family and the lost places of childhood, and, in this book’s final poems, to redefine spiritual longing as love. –Dennis Schmitz, former Sacramento Poet Laureate.

What is Working Class Literature: July 2002

What is working class literature?

http://www.e-poets.net/PlainText/page02-001.shtml

filed 26 July 2002 | Chicago
by Lew Rosenbaum
[While there are a number of issues that should be expanded and
clarified in this article, I still think it explores some fundamental
ideas that are helpful to conceptualize when reviewing what is commonly
called "working class literature." -- Lew Rosenbaum, 2009]

“Literature is made anytime the legal apparatus is challenged by a conscience in touch with humanity.”

– Nelson Algren, Chicago City on the Make

In May 2002 a panel of distinguished writers discussed the question “Is There a Working Class Fiction?” I was very perplexed/excited by the topic of the panel. Every contemporary novel that has gripped me in the last two decades has explored working class life, its destruction and its possibilities. Take Leslie Marmon Silko’s images of transcontinental eco-warriors vs. corporate/fascist capital (Almanac of the Dead). Don Delillo’s description of a lyrical walk through Italian working-class New York contrasted with the grown up trash-king and the pursuit of popular culture as sports-icon-commodity (Underworld). These and other writers have invested their stories with heart-felt portraits and messianic visions. From Carolyn Chute’s Merry Men to Russell Banks’ Cloudsplitter, from practically anything by Barbara Kingsolver to practically anything by John Edgar Wideman. So my first reaction to the idea of the panel was: “The answer is obvious.” There’s writing about work. There’s writing by workers. There’s writing about working class life. There’s writing that transcends the present by imagining, “metaphoring” what working class life could be like. What could be simpler?

But second, I wanted to hear some discussion that would assess the role of fiction when the issue of class is beginning to reassert itself in the arts and in academics. Anthologies of working class writing have emerged, in part to feed the growing industry of working class studies on campuses. Working class studies? Are we mining the rich-yet-well-disguised cultural artifacts central to our lives, or . . . are we burying our past in a tomb-museum anthropological obfuscation? Janet Zandy, introducing her excellent anthology (What We Hold In Common) says, “I have always felt that if working class culture became merely an object of study, and not a means of struggle, then it would lose its purpose.”

Well, it turns out the question is not so simple, nor is the answer easy. To treat this question seriously we would first need to ask: what is class? what is work? and working class, then? Exploring these questions allows us to discuss: does working class describe the fiction, the author, the characters? And look at that unassuming little article, “a” in “Is There a Working Class Fiction.” The panel was charged with answering whether only one kind of fiction may be working class as opposed to another (perhaps naturalist, perhaps expressionist, perhaps not).

Unfortunately, the panel had little to say about these questions. Instead they focused on how critics use the term “working class writer” to imply second rate, as in “He’s pretty good for a working class writer.” The subject of working class writing may be considered in some sense “profane”– not dealing with universal, transcendent values, instead limited to temporal, sociological issues — consider, for example where John Steinbeck stands in the pantheon of “great writers”– a recent assessment of Steinbeck in his centenary year concluded that despite his popularity he does not belong on the same level as Hemingway, Faulkner and Joyce.

There also seemed some uncomfortable agreement on the panel that once the aspiring writer stepped away from his or her blue collar background, the term “working-class writer” no longer fit. Most of the panelists agreed that they write about the lives of workers, though not necessarily at work; and one panelist protested that he shouldn’t be pigeon-holed as writing “working class fiction” because most of his characters don’t even want to work “for the man.”

Much sound and fury, not too much light.

Why classify? Why indeed establish a category called “working class literature”? The only reason to organize information is to take information that corresponds to reality and use it to solve problems. Surely the academy and other sources have used taxonomy to suppress. And categories have been chosen to segregate the good and the bad. To borrow Zandy’s phrase: a taxonomy which operates as a “method of struggle.” Recognizing that all taxonomy creates categories that are changing, and that the purposes for creating the categories may change, I argue that at this juncture in our history it is important to look at literature and identify that literature which is useful to a developing and changing working class consciousness. This kind of category allows us to learn from and employ the metaphor and imagination that can stimulate the dreams and visions of the emerging movement.

Starting with some definitions at least gives us some common ground about which to talk. Class is most broadly a group of individuals organized according to common characteristics. We can talk about the class of pigeon-toed people, but that doesn’t yield much analysis. Terminology such as “working class” can only be understood in relation to another “non-working class.” From my vantage point, “working class” is best understood in an economic, Marxist sense, the most rigorous exploration of the term. I don’t mean to take the nineteenth century definition of the “modern working class,” the industrial worker, the “special creation of capitalism.” Language reflects life, and life is a process of constant change. Marx’s methodology required studying and taking account of changes. We have to consider the “working class” in its flux, in its motion, as a dynamic concept. As separate from a non-working class, the working class is still distinct from those who do not need to work: who are surviving quite well, thank you, because they exploit others. Do not need to work because they employ enough human, technological or speculative capital to live comfortably. That they choose to go to “work” 50 or 60 hours a week is of no concern to this investigation; nor is it our concern that some people “choose” to deal drugs or engage is some alternative money-making endeavor rather than slinging big macs all day.

A snapshot of laid-off Arthur Andersen secretaries, all out of work, does not depict people thrown out of the working class as much as people ejected from the practice of working. What is it that makes them “working class” if they are not working? They are part of a class which, from time to time, according to economic vagaries, are forced into the unemployment lines. Sometimes more, sometimes less, they may be absorbed or disgorged, as if they were water to a sponge, by the expanding or contracting capacity of capitalism. But what about the fact that so many disgorged from an increasingly automated capitalism are now superfluous, will never be called back to the work force? That our prisons house increasing numbers of these disgorged “workers”? Perhaps so many have never even had the chance to be employed, never mind disgorged.

Within the experience of that most bourgeois of nations, the United States of America, this definition includes those forced to work as slaves or indentured servants as well as those merely persuaded to work by fear of starvation. It includes those in soup lines and out on strike, those left in industrial factories and those in intellectual “factories”. While it includes those in unions, this definition specifically points to those who have no organizational status and declares: “you are one of us too.” In other words, this inclusive definition implies better than 90% of the U.S. population. Of course you have to agree that what these folks do (if and when they are paid) is work. And you have to wonder if we stand at a node of history in which what we have until now considered “working class” is profoundly transforming into something different, unknown, undescribed even by such descriptions as “underclass.”

But only by discussing this question of what we mean by working class can we even attempt to answer other questions, like: what is working class writing? Or, alternatively, is writing working class art only if it portrays the working class? Does the working class have to be portrayed heroically? Does a writer leave the working class when he/she joins a teaching faculty, perhaps obtains tenure?

The Oxford Book of Work is a thick volume. Thick as in 600 pages of small print on heavy paper; thick as in dense. Styled an anthology, it is more an encyclopedic reference work, organized semi-topically, of excerpts of work by anyone who wrote about work , from Phyllis McGinley to Karl Marx, from Diodorus Siculus to Vikram Seth. Published in 1999, still it looks much older, staid, traditional. Not surprising though: editor Keith Thomas is a former President of the British Academy and former president of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. These certainly qualify him to publish a suitably stuffy looking anthology. In the first part, editor Thomas collects excerpts from writers on the nature of work: what is it, why is it by definition “tedious” and “painful” and in what resides its pleasure? This takes up 40% of the book, and the next third consists of writings about kinds of work (agriculture, factory, intellectual, various occupations). The small remainder of the book is devoted to “the reform of work”: resistance to tyranny, disaffection, organization.

This is a book which begs for a place on your reference bookshelf, to be taken down when seeking a source, looking for a timely quote to insert somewhere (perhaps when you want to justify a point in an essay you are writing). Then, moving to the index to look for an author writing on the place of black workers in the working class you stumble on . . . scarcely a reference to slavery, the central fact of American labor history (the central fact of British/American interlocked working class history). Frederick Douglass gets one reference in the index, Margaret Walker one, and none for Langston Hughes, Claude McKay, Richard Wright, James Baldwin, Toni Morrison, John Wideman, Ralph Ellison, Maya Angelou (here I’m only referring to black writers of fiction and poetry; not even mentioning the many noteworthy black scholars in non-fiction). This is not a mere lacuna in an otherwise comprehensive work. It’s a gaping crater that undermines the usefulness of this volume. It skirts the issue of oppression by practically omitting it from mention (there is a minor bow to “women’s work” as a separate category).

There is a lot of good reference material in this book. But its British classical orientation robs it of its usefulness, especially in seeking the rich varieties of work experience and portrayal that can be found in African, American, and Latin American literature. Perhaps the title should be changed to The Oxford Book of Anglo-American Work; that would at least eliminate the pretension of comprehensiveness this volume exudes.

Growing Up Poor, with a doll-like creature holding a doll pictured on the front cover, is what it states it is: “a literary anthology.” It does not promise to be comprehensive. It’s editors, Robert Coles (Children of Crisis) and Randy Testa, have selected writers whose work gives a real sense of what it means to be alive and poor in America. Testa, who has taught literature and medical ethics at Harvard and Dartmouth medical schools, could certainly use this book in his courses. Some of the work is culled from just such courses taught by co-editor Robert Coles. Testa describes its purpose by writing about the shared goals of the authors: “their great desire to bring readers closer to understanding the lives and dreams and obstacles of a group so readily turned into a “they” in a world of shrill materialism.

You have no trouble finding Langston Hughes in this anthology: part one starts out, “Well son, I’ll tell you/Life for me ain’t been no crystal stair.” There are other “classical” pieces, by which I mean old enough to have made into the American literary canon (even if not good enough for the “Great Books” editors — perhaps the University of Chicago’s answer to Oxford for stuffy/elite). William Carlos Williams, Zora Neale Hurston, Ralph Ellison are all represented. But also Dorothy Allison’s essay, “A Question of Class,” which explores what made her “other” in Carolina and Florida. “Indian Education” — a story by Sherman Alexie — concludes existentially: “Why should we organize a reservation high school reunion? My graduating class has a reunion every weekend at the Powwow tavern.” Richard Ford, Gary Soto, Luis Rodriguez all write about farm and factory, rural and city, employed and unemployed life.

Growing Up Poor is just out in paperback (New Press, 2002). Its prose and poetry really does give a picture of obstacles and resilience. The characters who people these stories often do not work. They have one characteristic in common: they are poor. By the definition above, they are part of a class whose members must work if they are to survive. Where historically welfare has filled the gaps between periods of employment, recipients of “the dole” occupy a rung on the class stepladder far below that reserved for trades union members (at least those in the skilled trades) and “professionals.” Those caught on this rung are preponderantly white; still the American media-myth portrays them as mostly Black, Mexican and Puerto Rican.

This could be a despairing book. It is angry and sad, but it is filled with defiance, resistance and dreams. Here again is Langston Hughes:

“Don’t you set down on the steps

‘Cause you finds it kinder hard.

Don’t you fall now–

For I’se still goin’, honey,

I’se still climbin’,

And life for me ain’t been no crystal stair.”

And here are the closing lines of Allison’s extraordinary essay:

“. . .I know that suffering does not ennoble. It destroys. To resist destruction, self-hatred or lifelong hopelessness, we have to throw of the conditioning of being despised, the fear of becoming the they that is talked about so dismissively, to refuse lying myths and easy moralities, to see ourselves as human, flawed, and extraordinary. All of us — extraordinary.”

These books imply that working class writing is about the working class. That is, it’s not necessarily about work. It’s not necessarily about working. But it is about the people making up that changing category called working class, whether at work or not. Further, fiction can be dull, dry, categorical. The fiction that screams, flies, and inspires can seize the imagination about what working class life can be.

Here is George Eliot, writing a review in 1856 of two German novels: “. . . The thing for mankind to know is not what are the motives and influences which the moralist thinks ought to act on the labourer or the artisan, but what are the motives and influences which do act on him.” Praising Charles Dickens powers of “rendering the external traits of our town population,” she goes on to criticize his sentimentality and romanticism, saying, “if he could give us their psychological character . . . with the same truth as their idiom and manners, his books would be the greatest contribution Art has ever made to the awakening of social sympathies.”

Jorge Amado, in Brazil (1937), defending himself against the “bosses of the Brazilian novel,” writes: “. . .in this series of mine of novels of Bahia, I have only given myself the freedom to invent, to imagine plots. I have refused either to imagine the customs of my state, or the feelings of its men, or the way in which they react to determined facts.” He goes on: “I do know . . . that there exists in [this series] a feeling . . .: an absolute solidarity with and a great love for the humanity that lives in these books.” His note is an afterword to the publication of the sixth and final novel of the Bahia series, Captains of the Sands.

Eighty years separate these statements by two great writers. Despite the gap of their cultural difference, they have found a common theme. Explicit in her criticism of Dickens is Eliot’s concern that the evocation of the character of the working class awakens social sympathies; Amado tells us as well that he is happy in knowing that his work has allowed millions to become aware of the sufferings and dreams of the people of Bahia, “making many hearts beat in solidarity with the drama of their brethren in Bahia.”

The artist’s arsenal holds weapons that can “cast a moral searchlight” on the sufferings of the mass of humanity, thereby awakening the sympathies of the millions. Even within the framework of the most reactionary of regimes, the artist, riding the wave of a movement, can broadcast an anthem of that movement.

Many writers have ridden the tidal wave and by so doing shaped the direction the wave went. Steinbeck and Upton Sinclair, for example. Richard Wright. Charlotte Perkins Gilman. Harriet Beecher Stowe. The words may have been utopian (as with Edward Bellamy’s Looking Backward) or dystopian (as with Jack London’s prescient novel of fascism, The Iron Heel). Muckraking or uplifting. The writing captured a moment and became banners around which people rallied. They were literary challenges to the legal apparatus by a conscience in touch with humanity.

Why now are there panels on working class literature? Why is there a Center For Working Class Studies forming at a number of universities in the Chicago area? This is an era in which corporations maximize profit by cutting employment costs (e.g. the phenomenon of mass firings called “downsizing”) and when work is redefined as a technological process rather than a human endeavor. It is not a coincidence that what was once a corner of the iron triangle of U.S. industrial production is looking toward tourism to keep it from falling into the abyss of economic depression. The centers can be a sign of nostalgia for a bygone era, a department of urban anthropology; the panels be a recognition of a trend that needs to be studied academically before it can be labeled and defanged. Studies, panels and monuments are often the measure that movements and metaphors are dead.

Perhaps pessimism is only the cynic’s side of the coin. Perhaps the panels and studies and the literature itself reflect an upheaval. The working class itself is undergoing a massive transformation that is only now beginning consciously to be explored by those of us whose business it is to explore it. That is, the beginning consciousness of these kinds of basic change come about once the change has begun. Here’s what John Gilmore of the Electronic Frontier Foundation has to say about these changes:

What is wrong is that we have invented the technology to eliminate scarcity, but we are deliberately throwing it away to benefit those who profit from scarcity. We now have the means to duplicate any kind of information that can be compactly represented in digital media. We can replicate it worldwide, to billions of people, for very low costs, affordable by individuals. We are working hard on technologies that will permit other sorts of resources to be duplicated this easily, including arbitrary physical objects (“nanotechnology”; see foresight.org.) The progress of science, technology, and free markets have produced an end to many kinds of scarcity. A hundred years ago, more than 99% of Americans were still using outhouses, and one out of every ten children died in infancy. Now even the poorest Americans have cars, television, telephones, heat, clean water, sanitary sewers — things that the richest millionaires of 1900 could not buy. These technologies promise an end to physical want in the near future.

Glimmers of hope can be found in dreams that precede the changes and often reflect antecedent changes and incomplete, unfulfilled dreams from the past. Dreams of “utopia” came long before any temporal possibility of achieving the dream. Langston Hughes asked, “What happens to a dream deferred?”

Does it dry up

like a raisin in the sun?

Or fester like a sore–

And then run?

Does it stink like rotten meat?

Or crust and sugar over–

like a syrupy sweet?

Maybe it just sags

like a heavy load.

Or does it explode?

Yes, it does explode, but it also lies in wait, gathers its strength for the next round of even more advanced struggle, when the dream can be more completely realized. And if we in Chicago who write ought to know anything, we ought to know that — in this most proletarian of cities, the city of May Day’s birth and of the military suppression of the dream of the 8 hour day — our working class is profoundly unselfconscious of its identity. Chicago, a city of a working class increasingly permanently unemployed or underemployed, including ex-Andersen secretaries, World-com technicians and Dot-com engineers, to name a few, has many deferred dreams. If the freedom dreams of the 8-hour day struggle could not be completed; if the freedom dreams of the European immigrants to the Chicago stockyards could not be completed; if the freedom dreams of the wartime southern black immigrants to Chicago could not be completed; if all these and other dreams challenged the legal apparatus, were suppressed, and had to be deferred, these dreams did not merely dry up or fizzle in the explosions that greeted their suppression.

Why discuss working class art? Because there is nothing more important to discuss and to champion at a time when these dreams, long so brutally suppressed, now stand a chance of being realized. For the first time in our human history nearly every sector of our globalized working class is facing this choice: enter the world of creativity or be crushed by a similar poverty. This is the time to look beyond individual careers (will I be marginalized by being put in a working class writer box), accept the challenge proudly and defiantly. Whatever the form, whoever the writer, the stage is now set to reflect these changes and to give that changing class an imaginative voice. Fifteen years ago I read this passage and my hair stood on end:

The sky can’t make up its mind. He (John French) chews and pulls the high crowned hat tighter down on his skull. The snub toed brogans are a mile away when he stretches out his legs. Only way he can tell they belong to him is that twinge in the small of his back. They used to put them on wheels and pull people apart. Pull the arms and legs out the sockets just like a kid do a bug. Albert told him that. Albert had seen pictures of it. Boiling people in oil and slamming their heads in a helmet filled with spikes, and horses tearing men into four pieces and that wheel with ropes and pulleys stretch a man inch by inch to death. The rack, Albert said. Said he didn’t know exactly what ailed him till he saw the picture in his white woman’s book, and then he understood exactly. They got us on a rack, John French. They gon keep turning till ain’t nothing connected where it’s supposed to be. Ain’t even gon recognize our ownselves in the mirror.

The setting is a dreary, damp, very early Pittsburgh morning on a street corner. John French is a paper-hanger, a casual laborer waiting to be hired for the day. He is skilled, but he cannot get a steady, union job because he is black. The power of the metaphor. Albert does not say, “It’s like they got us on a rack.” He says “They got us on a rack.” The experienced horror of exploitation today refers back to medieval torture machinery. Not similar to; it is. I had only minor personal skirmishes with “them” — cutting the tip of my finger off in a sample factory; working on the line assembling cabinets for televisions and hi-fi systems — but my skirmishes stream vividly back. The chill down my spine mimics the tingle in John French’s. Identify. I feel what the author of this passage, John Edgar Wideman, compacted into it. I feel that tenseness and horror and despair. More. I recognize my kinship with John French, with Albert Wilkes, with the boyard of feudal Europe. I recognize my identity because the group I belong to is the group that is compelled to labor in order to eat. I read this as the most powerful depiction of class identity.

Well, they still got us on a rack, life still ain’t no crystal stair, but as never before, more of us than ever before are assuredly in the same boat. Let’s start by writing/dreaming the boat in the direction we want to go in! This will be fiction that, as Amado says, makes “many hearts beat in solidarity with the drama of their brethren,” an anthem for new times and new challenges.

“All of working-class poetry from the 1820’s to the present needs to be retrieved and studied.. . . From the Wobblies to the poststructuralists, the basic question is: Who represents the working class? With an immensely diverse and complex working class, can a handful of writers “represent” or give a “realistic” portrait of the whole class?

Julia Stein, from the essay “Industrial Music”
in What We Hold In Common (Zandy, editor)
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How It Feels to be Free

The Troubadour Cafe in West Hollywood was one place you could go in Southern California to see/hear the performers of the mid sixties often characterized as “folk.”  That and the Ash Grove were two places I went (when I could scrape up the 2 drink minimum and cover when there was one) to catch the likes of Lightnin’ Hopkins, Sonny Terry & Brownie McGee, Judy Henske, Barbara Dane, Jack Elliot, and then there was the special night at the Troubadour with Nina Simone gliding out to the piano, much like she does in the you tube video attached from about 10 years later.

I don’t remember what she played and sang that night.  I just remember how she played, how intensely she sang.  The last two years I played “How It Feels”  in my history courses.  I am still amazed at the varying and yet consistent moods of “Mississippi Goddam,” “Four Women,” and how she transposes to America Kurt Weill’s “Pirate Jenny.”

Go on the you tube site, take the opportunity to look at some of the other Nina Simone performances.  Then think how appropriate they still are, perhaps even moreso today.